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The president's people and clan
Although the Muslim Brotherhood's participation in Egypt's post-revolution democratic transition was essential, the group has since shown it will do anything to hold onto power
Khaled Fahmy , Sunday 16 Dec 2012
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On 9 February 2011, two days before Mubarak's ouster, CNN asked me to write an op-ed on its website about the revolution.

I did not hesitate, since it was a golden opportunity to send a clear message to US public opinion. I could have written about many things, but I chose to focus on the importance of allowing the Muslim Brotherhood to participate in the political process.

At the time, I said that, although I was not a member of the Brotherhood and doubted they had solutions to Egypt’s chronic problems, I was positive that transition to democracy would not succeed in Egypt unless the Brotherhood was permitted to participate in politics through legal channels.

When I wrote those words, I knew the immense challenges facing the Brotherhood because it had not spawned any new thinking to enable it to address society since Sayed Qutb wrote 'Signposts on the Road.' While this text was appropriate in confronting the Nasserist juggernaut, it is no longer suitable for a group that has been freed from its shackles and monopolised power.

It is also a group whose members for 80 years have strictly adhered to the principle of 'absolute obedience,' which sustained its unity and coherence when it was targeted and its leaders thrown in jail. But this principle is no longer relevant since the group reached power and is obliged to listen to many views, even ones that contradict the opinions of its leaders.

Unfortunately, time has shown that I was wrong about the Brotherhood's ability to transition from the mentality of targeted victims into the ruling elite at the helm. The Brotherhood was neither able to shed the mentality of persecution or present real solutions to the country's troubles.

Then the events of the past two weeks made me realise just how wrong I was. It became clear that it is not that the Brotherhood is suffering from an existential crisis, but that the group has caused deep political problems. It is a crisis that not almost ruined the entire political and legal systems, but also the stability and cohesion of Egyptian society.

The turmoil began when the Brotherhood mistakenly thought that the parliamentary majority it won in free and honest elections gave it the power to not only write laws and legislation, but also the constitution.

Accordingly, Brotherhood members and leaders were deaf to many calls urging them to form a Constituent Assembly (CA) that mirrors the diversity and multiple identities of society. The crisis escalated when the CA began drafting the constitution and its mostly Brotherhood members imagined that their primary task was to make the document an expression of identity, not the guarantor of protecting citizens from supremacy of the state, and curb its domination of society.

Matters worsened when the draft constitution was unveiled and many people were shocked by the absence of basic guarantees and disregard of many of the revolution's principles, as well as its constitutional and legislative flaws.

Matters further unraveled when President Morsi misread the political scene altogether and failed to abandon the victim mentality that dominates his group. He also chose to forget that he won the presidency by a very small margin, which should have made him realise that his people were divided and waiting for him to bring them closer, not widen the chasm between them.

He viewed those calling for revising the method by which the draft constitution was written as subversive and enemies of religion who did not want to see God’s Sharia applied in the land. The objections to the draft constitution – which contradicted people's expectations – were seen by the president as futile attempts by fulul (remnants of the previous regime) and supporters of the former regime to go back in time.

The final blow came when protests escalated against extraordinary measures by the president and against the draft constitution, causing him to take a series of steps that collided with a key pillar of the political system – the judiciary. This threatened to destroy the infrastructure of the Egyptian state itself.

When the people came out en masse to express their outrage about the president’s actions and decisions, he turned to his Brotherhood people and clan and gave them a green light to save him from the mess.

Accordingly, leaders of the Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) gave their followers orders on 5 December to take to the streets to disperse the peaceful sit-in outside the presidential palace, and the outcome was spilled Egyptian blood and death of noble souls.

Instead of holding Brotherhood leaders accountable for their fiery statements that fanned the flames and caused this tragic outcome, the president blamed a 'third party' and fulul. Meanwhile, he ignored many torture incidents that Brotherhood members inflicted on protestors outside the palace – which groups that monitor torture in Egypt said they had never witnessed, even under Mubarak.

The president forgot that, by ignoring these acts by his people and clan, he was undermining the pillars of the state he is responsible for upholding, eroding his already frail legitimacy and deepening the fractures in society.

I was optimistic about the Brotherhood's ability to overcome the historic challenges they were facing; last month, I participated in a public debate about whether democratic transition in Egypt had been disappointing. I rejected the premise and said that, although democratic transition was marred by some defects in the beginning, the future would prove that the Brotherhood would realise the importance of democracy and embrace it.

But after the events of the past two weeks, I was proven wrong once again. The events of Wednesday, 5 December unveiled the Brotherhood's aversion to democracy and fear of the people's right to express themselves. It also showed how far the group was willing to go to maintain its grip on power and hold it tight.

History will record 5 December as the day when the Brotherhood's mask fell after the group miserably failed in its first genuine test after coming to power. It is also the day when the Brotherhood got fed up with the opposition and did not hesitate to use the most sordid methods to suppress its opponents.

History will also record that President Morsi proved on that day that he obeys the orders of MB leaders, and that he lost an opportunity to become the president of all Egyptians and made do with being the leader of one segment of Egyptians. It is that segment that he courted and called his people and clan.





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6



Turabi
18-12-2012 09:49am
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4+
the constitution is just a red herring
It seems the President's people and clan are the majority, and you secularists and anti-Iskamists are a small minority. Remember, the showdown is not over the constitution. It is about Egypt's identity.
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5



JParker
18-12-2012 12:17am
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5+
Sad, isn't it?
Even in the US, where our constituencies are powerful and can protect us to some extent, after each election the losing side has some member who fear being oppressed much as the people of Egypt actually are. Democracy is scary. It's even scarier when only one group is actually organized and takes power by a slim margin. My best hopes go out to you. Egyptian non-violent demonstrations in the recent past have proven you have millions of people who are ready for a fairly run democracy. I hope they soon achieve it. Waiting several generations more is too much. Best wishes!
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4



Nora
17-12-2012 05:39pm
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repoter vs historian
Historian vs a reporter. Judging on 5 months of MB makes you more of reporter than a historian.
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3



Hani Booz
17-12-2012 01:39pm
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0+
Reconciliation
Instead of pointing fingers and being negative as all parties are fault in our first lesson in democracy.Why do not you suggest positive things for reconciliation.E.g offering Al Bradie a ministerial post,Amr Mossa a foreign ministry and Aboulftouh the ministry of health.Sabahi chaiman of reconciliation commission. My instinct they will refuse and the president may not make that offer.We need to be pragmatic and not to be a stereotype of accusation and counter accusation.we will never move forward with the status Que
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2



Abdul Sattar
16-12-2012 12:55pm
18-
9+
The people are with them
You are not telling the truth, you never wrote a kind word about the brotherhood. You seem to hate them more than you love Egypt. But the people are behind them.
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Timothy Erfindun
17-12-2012 06:21pm
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The People Want the Fall of the Regime
The MB sets up torture chambers in the streets of Heliopolis, and you wonder why people hate them?
Democracia
16-12-2012 11:27pm
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I disagree
Sorry to disagree completely with you. Do you think the Brotherhood love Egypt? Ok, go on dreaming your dream, your wake up will be very painful. The people are behind them? Hm, 5 Million out of 29 Million voted for the constitution (and so indirectly for the policy of MB) in first round. That means for you "THE People" ? Strange calculation... And I say it honestly,I don't hate them, but I despise them because they hide their lust for power behind religion, using the piety of poor and illiterate people, and that for me is the worst form of evil! There is nothing democratic in the MB, because it contradicts BY DEFINITION their ideology of total obedience of the flock to the Murshid and the Guidance Office, about this ideology you can inform yourself very easily, they don't even hide it. But if you want to be a non-reflecting follower without an own mind, ok then follow them... It will lead you directly to the abyss.
1



mumby
16-12-2012 09:21am
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Proper learning
Democracy could learn properly by involving in democratic process not just by ideas,that what Egyptian need to do
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