Vibes in politics are crucial. Kamala Harris, set to be officially nominated as the Democratic Party’s candidate at the August Party Convention, is currently exuding a strong and positive energy.

With President Joe Biden stepping down from seeking a second term, Harris has emerged as the presumptive nominee, significantly altering the political landscape. What was expected to be an uninspiring contest between Biden and Republican candidate Donald Trump, both elderly white men, has transformed into a more compelling race.

Harris, a woman of Asian and African descent with a background in law, now faces a candidate convicted of 34 felonies, including tax evasion and attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election. It’s a political drama worthy of a US television series.

While the choice between these two candidates may seem straightforward, US politics is never simple. Harris’ positive momentum is evident, but it has yet to solidify into specific policies that could secure the support of undecided and independent voters.

Particularly challenging are complex issues like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Harris’ team has not yet articulated detailed policies that resonate with Arab, Muslim, and progressive Americans who have criticised the Biden administration’s stance on the conflict. Once Harris secures the Democratic nomination and announces her candidate for vice-president, her campaign is expected to clarify her foreign policy positions.

The preliminary outlines of a potential Harris administration foreign policy suggest a departure from Biden’s approach and a clear distinction from Trump’s policies. A key focus will likely be the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, especially the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

The international community’s silence on what the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has suggested could be genocidal acts in Gaza cannot continue without significant political and moral repercussions. Several European allies of the US, including Britain, are signalling that they are reconsidering their policies towards Israel. The ICJ recently concluded that Israel’s occupation and settlement policies in the Palestinian Territories violate international law, advising that UN member states should not support the occupation.

These developments will compel Harris’ campaign to chart its own course on the Israeli occupation and the Gaza war. Aligning with Biden’s policies is not an option if Harris aims to regain the support of young voters, progressives, Arabs, and Muslims in the US, who have expressed dissatisfaction with Biden’s unwavering support for Israel and perceived lack of empathy towards the severe humanitarian crisis affecting the Palestinians.

The ongoing conflict, now in its tenth month, has resulted in the deaths of at least 40,000 Palestinians, with the true toll likely higher due to those unaccounted for or buried under rubble.

There are signs that Harris is seeking to distinguish her policies from those of Biden. She did not attend Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent speech to the US Congress. In a bilateral meeting in Washington last Thursday, she addressed the plight of the Palestinians in terms that reportedly angered Netanyahu. While affirming Israel’s right to self-defence, she called for an end to the conflict and expressed concerns about the severe humanitarian situation in Gaza.

“We cannot allow ourselves to become numb to the suffering, and I will not be silent,” Harris told Netanyahu, referring to negotiations on a prisoner and hostage-exchange deal and ceasefire between Israel and Hamas.

Harris has consistently advocated for pressure on Netanyahu to agree to a ceasefire and to improve the dire humanitarian conditions faced by Palestinian civilians in Gaza. Like many Democratic members of Congress and administration officials, she has also subtly accused Netanyahu of deliberately delaying a ceasefire for domestic political reasons.

In March, she became the first high-ranking administration official to call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. She was also quicker than Biden to highlight the humanitarian crisis there, where many Palestinians live in famine-like conditions.

However, navigating the delicate balance between the special relationship with Israel and broader US interests in the Middle East is a challenge for any US administration. Harris might differentiate herself by exerting more pressure on Israel, potentially invoking US laws that restrict military aid to foreign entities suspected of human rights abuses. This could lead to broader sanctions on Israeli settlers in the West Bank and military units accused of committing war crimes against Palestinian civilians in Gaza.

The foreign policy options Harris is considering stand in stark contrast to those of Republican candidate Donald Trump. Should Trump win in November, he is expected to offer robust support for Israel, similar to his actions during his first term as president.

Trump famously moved the US Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, a city whose eastern half is recognised as occupied Palestinian territory under international law. He also brokered a series of normalisation agreements between Israel and several Arab nations, known as the “Abraham Accords,” which established a broad alliance against Iran.

During his campaign, Trump has repeatedly claimed that he will end the conflict in Gaza to garner the support of Arab and Muslim Americans. However, he has not provided specifics on how he will achieve this.

Although Harris has yet to schedule a comprehensive foreign policy speech, campaign officials suggest she will adhere to traditional US liberal principles. These include an active international presence, full commitment to NATO, engagement with multilateral institutions like the UN, and respect for a “rules-based” international system.

Additionally, she intends to prioritise human rights and democracy globally. As a senator, she co-sponsored legislation to end US support for the Saudi war in Yemen and advocated for a fundamental reassessment of US-Saudi relations. In contrast, Biden has pursued a more pragmatic, interest-based policy towards the Gulf countries.

Harris’ positions on Ukraine and Iran align closely with Biden’s. She strongly supports Ukraine, with her first call as the presumptive Democratic Party nominee being to Andriy Yermak, chief of staff to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.

Harris’ approach to Ukraine diverges sharply from that of Trump and his running mate J D Vance, who argue for ending US aid to Ukraine, claiming it prolongs the war and diverts funds that could be used domestically.

Regarding Iran, Harris, like Biden, favours dialogue to reduce tensions and opposes military confrontation, believing it would undermine global stability. This stance contrasts with that of Netanyahu and certain Republican leaders, who advocate for a tougher military approach against Iran.

Another pressing foreign policy issue is China. Harris appears intent on advancing the US strategic pivot towards the Indo-Pacific region, an initiative Biden sought to prioritise but was sidetracked from by Middle Eastern crises. As Vice-President, Harris visited Asia four times, forging strong ties with leaders in Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan.

Harris’ foreign policy team seems committed to de-escalating tensions in the Middle East, including ending the war in Gaza, to refocus on the strategic challenge posed by China’s rise. However, the Middle East is currently experiencing unprecedented turmoil, with the potential for conflict now also looming in Lebanon.

* A version of this article appears in print in the 1 August, 2024 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly