What were the main issues discussed during your visit to Washington before heading to New York to attend the UN General Assembly session?
This is my first visit to the US since becoming foreign minister, so I made a point of visiting Washington ahead of the segment of the UN General Assembly inaugural session devoted to high-level meetings. The trip also followed the launch of a new round of the Egyptian-US strategic dialogue in Cairo.
Meeting with Congressional leaders and members of both parties from the House of Representative and Senate, I underscored the special nature of Egyptian-American relations and our aspiration to strengthen the partnership across the economic, commercial, development and political fields. I also stressed positive steps the government has taken, in the context of its economic reform programme, to encourage foreign investment and improve the business environment.
As a pivotal regional power, Egypt’s foreign policy agenda is guided by what President Abdel-Fattah Al-Sisi has called “strategic independence”. It is a policy based on respect for international law, international legitimacy and commitment to the principles of the UN Charter.
Discussions in Washington were part of the drive to encourage more foreign direct investment in Egypt, which needs to create one million job opportunities annually. We were also keen to exchange views on a range of regional issues, which is why the visit included meetings with US envoys concerned with Middle Eastern and African issues.
Though Egypt has never endured a series of crises of the magnitude it is dealing with today, it continues to play an effective role in resolving regional crises through political means. The visit offered an opportunity to present our positions on all the region’s crises, the constructive role we play in supporting regional peace and security, and to discuss what the US — the administration, Congress and research centres and think tanks — can do to help resolve the crises.
What is your prognosis for the situation in the Palestinian territories given the ongoing Israeli war and failed attempts to reach a ceasefire?
First, the current situation — the continuing high civilian casualty toll and unprecedented humanitarian crisis — is unacceptable. Egypt continues to work with concerned partners to reach a ceasefire agreement, and we hope to see serious political will towards this end. The international community must do everything it can to stop this war and prevent it spreading across the region. What is unfolding in southern Lebanon is a sign that worse could come. I would like to stress again that there is no path to stability and security in the region except through a two-state solution that allows the Palestinian people their legitimate rights.
On Hamas, Egypt’s position is clear. Our dealings with them are based on their responsibility to stop the bloodbath and protect civilians in Gaza. We are dealing with Hamas not as a legitimate party but as part of Palestinian reality on the ground. This in no way signifies recognition of their legitimacy as an alternative to the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). The PNA remains the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people in the West Bank and Gaza.
What about the controversy over control of the Philadelphi Corridor and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s claims that tunnels continue to operate beneath the Egyptian-Gaza boarder?
The tunnels were sealed long before 7 October and Israeli security and military leaders have themselves confirmed that what remain of the tunnels have no military value.
Israel’s internal political problems are the crux of the problem. The government’s purpose in raising the issue relates to its attempts to stay in power.
After successive breakdowns in negotiations over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam project, does Egypt have any remaining diplomatic options to escalate international pressure on Addis Ababa?
I expressed Egypt’s position clearly in my 1 September letter to the president of the Security Council. The letter reiterates that water security is one of our highest priorities and we will not allow unilateral actions to prejudice it. The Egyptian government will take all necessary measures to safeguard the resources and welfare of the Egyptian people. Egypt relies on the Nile for 98 per cent of its water needs. Any attempt to damage this lifeline constitutes an existential threat to the country and Egypt will deal with it accordingly.
For 13 years, Egypt engaged in negotiations to reach a legally binding agreement on the filling and operation of the dam in good faith. Unfortunately, the Ethiopian side lacked the political will to reach an agreement.
The UN Security Council, the body responsible for maintaining international peace and security under the UN Charter, must assume its responsibilities. We hope to see more engagement from the Security Council on challenges to international peace and security, including developments related to water security.
Egypt is fully capable of defending its security and water interests — I will not go into details — and will not let the positions of other parties or heads of state compromise the rights of over 100 million Egyptians. Egypt is a strong country and will not hesitate to protect its national interests if its water security is threatened.
What is Egypt’s role in supporting stability in Somalia, and what challenges are involved?
As we have repeatedly stressed, Egypt attaches strategic importance to maintaining the stability of the Federal Republic of Somalia. Egypt is committed to strengthening cooperation with Somalia across many fields, including security and stability. Our policy is based on supporting the unity of the Somali state and its territorial sovereignty, and on the rejection of interference in Somalia’s internal affairs.
Within this framework, Egypt is taking practical steps to strengthen bilateral relations. We recently opened a new embassy in Mogadishu and launched direct flights between Cairo and Mogadishu, which contributes to strengthening the historical ties between our brotherly countries. Bolstering economic cooperation and trade is a fundamental pillar of the Egyptian-Somali bilateral relationship.
I would also like to underscore the role Egypt will play through its participation in the new African Union mission to Somalia which, at the request of the Somali leadership, will begin early next year. Egypt’s participation is informed by the extensive experience of its Armed Forces in peacekeeping operations that aim to achieve stability and restore security.
Egypt is committed to playing a constructive role in enhancing cooperation with African countries, particularly Somalia. This commitment is based on historical relations and the strategic partnership between the two countries and contributes to promoting stability and development in the region as a whole.
What are the priorities of Egypt’s relations with the Horn of Africa?
The Horn of Africa region is part of Egypt’s strategic depth. It is of major importance to our interests — achieving security and stability in the Horn of Africa serves Egyptian national security. This is why we are keen to build bilateral relations with the countries of the Horn at all levels. That my first tour abroad as minister of foreign affairs included Djibouti and Somalia testifies to the importance Egypt attaches to this region. It was during that visit that we inaugurated direct flights between Cairo, Djibouti and Mogadishu.
Do you think Egypt’s stance on the Sudanese crisis will change as the conflict continues, and how is Egypt dealing with the two main parties to the conflict?
Egypt’s approach to the Sudanese crisis is rooted in fixed principles, the most important of which are to preserve the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sudanese state, non-interference in Sudan’s internal affairs, and the urgent need to secure a ceasefire to preserve the resources and capacities of its people. From the outset of the crisis — reflecting the strong historical ties that bind the peoples of the Nile Valley — Egypt kept its doors open to our Sudanese brothers and sisters.
Egypt has sponsored or taken part in multiple initiatives to help end the conflict in Sudan, including the Sudan’s Neighbour Countries Summit in July 2023, the Sudanese Political and Civil Forces Conference in July 2024, and recent rounds of talks on Sudan in Geneva. Egypt will continue its efforts, and communicate with Sudanese, regional and international partners in order to achieve a breakthrough, bring this crisis to an end and restore stability.
What role is Egypt playing to unite Libyan factions and restore stability to Libya, especially given foreign interventions there?
Egypt’s stance on the Libyan crisis has always been consistent. Its vision for resolving the crisis is based on fixed principles which include the need to preserve Libya’s unity, stability, and territorial integrity. Egypt also recognises that any political solution to the Libyan crisis must be Libyan-owned and free from external interventions.
Egyptian mediating efforts in Libya have focused on supporting legitimate Libyan institutions and promoting the reunification of the bifurcated executive, economic and military/security bodies. Institutional reunification is key towards the restoration of stability in Libya.
There is a clear need to dismantle the multiple militias and armed groups that are operating in Libya and ensure the departure of all foreign forces, fighters and mercenaries from Libyan soil. These steps are needed to secure the conditions required for presidential and parliamentary elections to be held.
* A version of this article appears in print in the 26 September, 2024 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly
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