If I were to address an urgent message to the new US administration – and the extremist Israeli government – in these challenging times, it would be the timeless adage: “No right is ever lost as long as there is someone to claim it.” This declaration underscores the inalienable rights of the resilient Palestinian people, who are sure to retrieve what is rightfully theirs despite the formidable obstacles they face. These obstacles range from an occupying power that relentlessly employs settlement, force, and destruction, to successive US administrations, some of which exhibit blatant bias towards Israel, while others fail to exert sufficient influence to enforce political solutions like the two-state solution.  

It is essential to reaffirm that the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state remains a foundational and unyielding tenet of our Arab principles. This envisioned state encompasses the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, the latter being an integral part of the West Bank. The realisation of such a state must emerge through substantive political negotiations that address permanent status issues such as Jerusalem, refugees, security, and borders. These negotiations must be characterised by mutual flexibility to ensure comprehensive consensus among all parties involved.  

In this context, it is vital to address the alarming prospect of Israel imposing sovereignty over the West Bank. Israel has already extended its sovereignty over East Jerusalem, first through the annexation decision in 1967 and later by declaring a unified Jerusalem its eternal capital in 1980. Currently, Israel exercises full administrative and security control over the majority of the West Bank’s territory under the framework of the Oslo Accords while maintaining significant influence over the remainder. However, it has yet to formally declare sovereignty over any specific parts of the West Bank, despite the presence of numerous settlements and hundreds of thousands of settlers alongside millions of Palestinians.  

A significant shift occurred during the Trump administration, which introduced a series of unprecedented and detrimental measures. These included recognising Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, relocating the US embassy to the city, and asserting in the so-called “Deal of the Century” that Israel has the right to impose sovereignty over the Jordan Valley. These actions marked the beginning of a concerted effort to annex parts of the West Bank, a process that awaits only the right political circumstances.  

The situation has grown increasingly complex with Trump’s return to power, coupled by the appointment of officials who are unequivocally supportive of Israel. Some members of the administration have even suggested a willingness to endorse the annexation of the West Bank. Given these developments, it is evident that the policies of Trump’s administration, even before formally resuming office, will result in a trajectory of decisions overwhelmingly favouring Israel.  

The current trajectory looks grim. Israel, having annexed East Jerusalem, devastated and occupied Gaza, expanded settlements, and pursued policies of Judaisation in the West Bank, is unlikely to refrain from taking serious steps towards annexation. This sentiment is reinforced by Netanyahu’s statements, which indicate that annexation will be reintroduced to the agenda under Trump’s renewed leadership.  

If the new administration genuinely seeks to stabilise the region, it must recognise that temporary measures such as halting hostilities in Gaza, containing tensions in southern Lebanon, or managing the Israeli-Iranian conflict will not achieve lasting peace. True stability can only be attained through the establishment of a Palestinian state.  

In this context, I wish to deliver two messages. To Israel, I assert that its military might cannot extinguish the Palestinian cause. The conflict will persist, and Israel will not achieve security or stability until Palestinians are granted their full rights and the ability to establish their sovereign state. To the Trump administration, I emphasise its historic responsibility to approach the Palestinian issue with greater equity. A practical step would be for Trump to initiate his term by calling for the resumption of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations under his auspices, with the aim of reaching a fair and viable resolution to the conflict.  

Finally, the Arab response must be decisive and unyielding in the face of these perilous developments, which undoubtedly threaten Arab national security. Arab nations must persistently engage with international actors, particularly the United States, to highlight the catastrophic consequences of neglecting the Palestinian issue. The annexation of the West Bank would spark a conflagration that could engulf the entire region. At the very least, efforts must focus on reviving negotiations, kickstarting them again after a prolonged hiatus, and striving for even modest progress in the pursuit of justice and stability.

The writer is deputy director of the Egyptian Centre for Strategic Studies (ECSS).

* A version of this article appears in print in the 21 November, 2024 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly