I will not delve into its blatant violations of international law and universal values—after all, the United States and Israel operate under their doctrine: the law of power. They deliberately disregard legal and humanitarian principles; otherwise, the Palestinian state, endorsed by countless international resolutions, would have been established decades ago.
Stability in the region holds no weight in the lexicon of these powers, which are governed by double standards. They impose their will through both legitimate and illegitimate means, as though they own the world and have the right to reshape it as they see fit, with no regard for the fate of nations. In their view, the interests of entire peoples can be cast aside.
Trump has succeeded in making the displacement plan the centrepiece of global discourse, with the world chasing after his every statement and the incessant pronouncements of his team. He presents this plan as the ultimate solution to the Palestinian issue, one that the international community has supposedly failed to resolve for decades due to its intellectual shortcomings. Now, Trump claims to have found the magic formula, expecting the world to accept it and facilitate its implementation.
Even more astonishing is Trump's insistence on cementing this plan, refining its details with each passing day. Most recently, he suggested that displaced Palestinians would not be allowed to return, and he envisions Gaza as a "Riviera," yet fails to specify who will enjoy its shores or own its land. It is clear that in his vision, the new residents of Gaza will not be its indigenous people but rather those with financial stakes in this commercial project.
In analyzing the trajectory of American policy, we must anticipate that after this initial phase—the mere proposition of the plan—comes the gradual introduction of its implementation mechanisms. Some will be public, while others will be obscured and rolled out over time, ensuring the plan takes root before resistance coalesces.
I feel obliged to confront this grotesque proposal—one that is not just illogical but utterly inhumane. If the American administration is genuinely troubled by Gaza's humanitarian catastrophe and its devastated landscape—though it was complicit in the war that wrought this destruction—then it should step aside and allow Egypt and other Arab nations to take charge of rebuilding Gaza. These nations, in coordination with international donors, can fully assume this responsibility without resorting to yet another catastrophe disguised as a "relocation" plan.
But if the US has other, undisclosed objectives, let it have the courage to state them outright. Trump must ask himself: how can he justify a plan in which Israel obliterates Gaza's infrastructure, massacres its people, and then Washington arrives to capitalize on the ruins—uprooting the survivors and banishing them under the guise of false incentives?
The US administration must understand that Gaza is not a business venture to be gambled on by opportunists. It is an inseparable part of the Palestinian state—a state that will, inevitably, encompass Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. How, then, does one justify tearing a fundamental piece away from the Palestinian body under any pretext? What we see unfolding is the world's most powerful nation exploiting one of the world's most impoverished territories, driven into destitution by occupation and blockade.
The Trump-Netanyahu plan was dead on arrival, just like the so-called "Deal of the Century." Any attempt to implement it will encounter insurmountable obstacles, foremost among them the resilience of Gaza's people. They will not merely cling to their land—they will hold onto the very rubble if they must, even as they suffer unbearable hardships. This injustice cannot be sustained indefinitely, nor can it be marketed as a viable solution, especially as opposition grows within American institutions themselves, with many recognizing the plan for what it truly is: an act of ethnic cleansing.
The only course of action that could salvage Trump's credibility is for him to abandon this proposal entirely, as if it had never existed, and allow Arab nations and the international community to take the lead in rebuilding Gaza—without displacing its people. If the US is unwilling to contribute to reconstruction, despite the moral imperative that it should, then it should, at the very least, step away and focus its diplomatic energies elsewhere. Gaza is not American property nor an inheritance Washington can dispose of at will. It is an intrinsic part of the Arab world, which will stand united against this looming disaster—because if such a plan succeeds in Gaza, its ramifications will undoubtedly extend to other Arab territories.
Washington must also advise Israel not only to lift its grip on Gaza but to halt its campaign in the West Bank as well. The systematic extermination being carried out in West Bank cities will inevitably lead to a cataclysmic explosion. That explosion remains dormant for now, but under this relentless pressure, it will not remain so for long.
We, as Arabs, will continue to advocate for a just peace and comprehensive stability. However, Washington and Tel Aviv's actions are dragging the region further away from stability—by thousands of miles. The pressing question remains: when will this madness end before it is too late? I have spoken—O Lord, bear witness.
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