In a warm and symbolic gesture, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi concluded a notable visit to Cairo this week, marking what many observers see as a turning point in Egyptian-Iranian relations.
The visit, the first of its kind upon the formal invitation of Egypt’s Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty, comes amid broader regional developments and renewed dialogue between Cairo and Tehran.
Before departing to Beirut, Araghchi dined at the Naguib Mahfouz restaurant in Cairo on Monday evening. Joining him were prominent Egyptian statesmen Amr Moussa, a former secretary-general of the Arab League, and two former Egyptian foreign ministers, Mohamed Al-Orabi and Nabil Fahmi. The gathering also included Ali Abu Shadi, a former senior International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) official.
In an informal yet telling exchange, Araghchi reaffirmed Tehran’s commitment to enhancing political and economic ties with Egypt.
The atmosphere was described as cordial and constructive. “It is now a matter of time before relations are fully restored,” said one of the Egyptian participants, emphasising that both capitals were aligned in prioritising diplomacy over confrontation.
During his meetings, Araghchi underscored Tehran’s readiness to broaden cooperation with Cairo. He emphasised that both nations share a strategic interest in pursuing stability through diplomacy not escalation.
“Egypt and Iran are determined to develop their relations through a continued process of coordination,” he stated. In a private aside, one Egyptian participant noted the geopolitical dynamics that shape the Iranian approach.
“The problem,” said the Iranian minister bluntly, “is that [US President Donald] Trump didn’t like what [former US president Barack] Obama achieved, and he wants to claim that he got something better than him.” The remark reflected the perception that Washington’s policy inconsistency has undermined nuclear diplomacy.
“An agreement can be reached, if it’s only about the nuclear deal,” Araghchi said confidently to one of the Egyptian guests, signalling Iran’s intent to separate technical negotiations from regional politics.
Addressing recent pressure from the IAEA, he said that “the Europeans are pressuring the agency,” noting that such pressure was not technical but politically motivated. He went on to criticise the double standards at play, adding that “no one cares about what Israel is doing, and no one talks about the nuclear weapons it possesses.”
He reiterated that Iran had no intention of developing nuclear arms. “We don’t want nuclear weapons. We have a fatwa that forbids it. Do you know what a fatwa means? It means a religious text that prohibits it.”
Abu Shadi engaged in a discussion with Araghchi and the former Egyptian ministers. At one point, he remarked “let’s return to the spirit of the 1970s,” a suggestion that was met with agreement from the ministers and others.
The conversation focused on specific provisions of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), particularly the clause obligating all signatory states to promote international cooperation and facilitate the sharing of information and materials related to peaceful nuclear technology.
The aim, they emphasised, is to guarantee every country’s right to develop nuclear capabilities strictly for non-military, peaceful purposes.
The Iranian minister further commented on a recurring pattern in the nuclear talks. “Israel is the problem. The negotiations go well and proceed smoothly when Israel is not involved. But when it interferes, problems arise,” he said.
For the Egyptian observers, the comments highlighted the depth of the Iranian frustration with the Western and Israeli narratives and the extent to which Egypt may be able to act as a neutral interlocutor.
While no formal announcement was made, Araghchi’s visit carried an implicit recognition of Egypt’s potential role as a regional mediator. The presence of senior Egyptian officials, including IAEA-affiliated experts, pointed to Cairo’s increasing involvement in efforts to ease tensions between Tehran and the international community.
The Egyptian Foreign Ministry confirmed that the visit was intended to facilitate “an exchange of views on de-escalation in the region”. Parallel statements from Iranian officials stressed the importance of consulting on major regional issues including Palestine, Syria, Libya, and Sudan.
Sources close to the discussions in Cairo suggest that Egypt may act as an intermediary, helping narrow the gap between Tehran and Western powers while reinforcing regional security frameworks. In one private exchange, an Egyptian official proposed that Egypt and Iran jointly advocate for a nuclear-weapons-free zone in the Middle East, linking the Iran nuclear issue to Israel’s undeclared arsenal.
Even before the visit, signs of rapprochement between Egypt and Iran had been building quietly. “Cairo and Tehran have opted for quiet, methodical coordination away from media noise and external interference,” said one regional analyst.
The timing is crucial. Egypt’s assertive role in the Arab League and its firm positions on regional issues including Gaza have made it a key interlocutor for both Arab and non-Arab powers.
Araghchi’s regional tour, which included stops in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE, further underscores Tehran’s interest in re-engaging with pivotal Arab states. According to Iranian Interests Section head Mohammad Hossein Soltani Fard, the visit also included meetings with President Abdel-Fattah Al-Sisi and prominent Egyptian civil society figures.
Fard noted that “more than 80 per cent of the outstanding issues between the two countries have been resolved.”
Egypt’s invitation to Araghchi also sends subtle signals to external powers. Analysts say Cairo is asserting its independent foreign policy, signalling that it will prioritise regional stability over alignment with hardline positions.
According to Major-General Mohamed Abdel-Wahid, “Egypt is working to create a balance of power in the region and avoid any confrontation that could lead to war.” He added that Egypt remains cautious, steering clear of full diplomatic normalisation for now, but is open to extensive coordination on regional issues from the Gaza war to maritime security in the Red Sea.
Egypt, suffering from economic losses linked to Houthi attacks on international shipping, is eager to see Tehran pressure its allies in Yemen to de-escalate.
The Iranian foreign minister also briefed the Egyptian leadership on indirect negotiations with the US, currently being mediated by Oman.
Iranian analyst Saeed Shawardi told Al-Ahram Weekly that Tehran sees Egypt as a pivotal power in both the Arab and Islamic worlds. “There is now a clear desire on both sides to move beyond past divisions and work together on the region’s pressing challenges, chief among them the Palestinian issue,” he said.
Voices in Washington appear increasingly sceptical about the feasibility of using military force against Iran. Despite some provocative rhetoric, most US strategists remain wary of triggering another costly Middle East conflict. Trump reportedly saw war as a last resort, according to observers familiar with past nuclear talks.
Yet, tensions persist. A senior Iraqi source recently revealed to the Weekly that the Iranian leadership is divided over the nuclear issue. “There are three camps within the National Security Council: those who reject negotiations outright, those who question their utility, and those who fully support them. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ultimately holds the reins,” the source said.
Despite these internal dynamics, the momentum for engagement is palpable. Araghchi’s visit to Cairo, cordial, symbolic, and politically significant, appears to confirm that normalisation between Egypt and Iran is no longer a speculative possibility, but a near-term reality.
As one Egyptian diplomat concluded, “we are not there yet, but we’re on the path. The rest is a matter of time.”
* A version of this article appears in print in the 5 June, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly
Short link: