It is not a sign of weakness for Egypt to strategically commit to peace with Israel without compromising the requirements of protecting its sovereignty and national security, without compromising its defence of the Palestinian people and their rights, and without ignoring the inevitability of joint Arab action to restore a measure of regional security in the face of Israel's persistent aggression.
Conversely, the widespread talk of “the inevitable coming war” and the comparisons some circulate about military capabilities here and there are nothing but a misreading of Egyptian policy.
Egypt is not short of alternatives for employing peace to prevent attacks on its sovereignty and security by preventing the displacement of Palestinians to its territory; to mobilize regional and international efforts to halt the war of genocide and the crimes of displacement and starvation in Gaza and the crimes of annexation and settlement in the West Bank; and to push the Arabs to adopt collective security mechanisms in the Middle East.
Firstly, in light of the Tel Aviv government's continued war in Gaza and the catastrophic humanitarian conditions of more than two million Palestinians, Cairo can inform (once again) Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the institutions concerned with foreign policy, security, and military affairs in Israel that their systematic crimes in the Strip are placing increasing pressure on the Egyptian border and threatening its safety and stability, with serious consequences.
They can inform Cairo that their country is thus violating the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty signed in 1979, which to this day obligates both parties to mutual respect for national sovereignty, national security, and border integrity. Violating the treaty jeopardises the state of peace.
Secondly, Cairo could gradually begin downgrading its diplomatic relations, trade and economic exchanges, and security coordination with Tel Aviv. This has been the subject of frequent reports in recent days. If proven true, this would be a calculated and necessary escalation by the Egyptian government in response to Israel's refusal to stop the war, its deliberate sabotage of all ceasefire efforts, its prevention of the delivery of necessary humanitarian, medical, and relief aid to Gaza, and the continued promotion by the extremist Netanyahu government of the crimes of displacing Palestinians inside and outside Gaza, which poses a direct threat to Egypt's sovereignty and security.
Thirdly, Cairo must explain to the administration of US President Donald Trump—the United States, the guarantor of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty—that the Tel Aviv government's actions in Gaza are leading to disastrous consequences and mounting pressure on Egypt, which constitute a direct breach by Israel of its treaty obligations. Washington must intervene immediately to preserve the peace between the two countries.
The Egyptian government, which is currently in a position of strength - having not breached its treaty obligations or taken steps that contradict the spirit or text of the treaty (including details of the military presence in Sinai), and has not abandoned its quiet diplomacy despite the Israeli government's continued war in Gaza since October 2023 and its continued military aggression in the Middle East - can reiterate to the US administration that: the continued catastrophic conditions in the Gaza Strip, the promotion of plans to displace Palestinians, and the growing pressure on the border all represent red lines that Cairo cannot remain silent about and require swift action by Washington, as the sponsor of Egyptian Israeli peace, to demand that Tel Aviv change its policies and practices.
Fourth, Cairo can leverage its extensive network of regional and international relations to demand that its partners in the Middle East - major powers such as China, Russia, and the European Union, as well as influential centres in the Global South such as India, Brazil, and South Africa - support the steps it will take against Israel for its violation of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty (as mentioned above, by downgrading diplomatic relations, trade and economic exchanges, and security coordination).
They can also support Egypt's policy calling for an immediate ceasefire, the provision of necessary aid to Gaza, and a comprehensive rejection of criminal displacement plans. It can also support its defence of its sovereignty and security without abandoning its strategic commitment to peace, dialogue, mediation, and negotiation tools to end wars and resolve conflicts.
Fifth, the Egyptian government must continue to mobilize support within regional and international organizations for its policy and its insistence on defending national sovereignty and security without compromising its commitment to peace.
Regional blocs such as the Arab League and the African Union, active and dynamic international blocs such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and international organizations such as the United Nations and its various agencies all provide avenues for Cairo to clearly express its priorities and formulate a broad international consensus that not only demands that the Tel Aviv government accept a ceasefire, end the war, refrain from committing further crimes against the Palestinian people, and cease its military aggression in the Middle East, but also demands that it abide by the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty and expresses growing concern over the threats and dangers it faces as a result of the events in Gaza.
Sixthly, Cairo can develop its policy of commitment to peace and its diplomacy based on dialogue, mediation, and negotiation to end wars and conflicts in the Middle East, launching new initiatives or reviving old ones to rid the region of weapons of mass destruction; limiting conventional and non-conventional arms races; adopting frameworks and tools for collective security; and calling on regional partners to adopt them and international powers to support them.
Such initiatives could raise the ceiling of regional and international pressure facing the Tel Aviv government, which is the only party that is proven to possess weapons of mass destruction, the only party involved today in successive military attacks in the Middle East, and the main source of threats. Regional security is at risk due to the rogue policies and practices perpetrated against the Palestinians, in Lebanon, Syria, and even in Qatar.
By launching and reviving such initiatives, which are generally aimed at restoring peace, security, and stability in the Middle East, the Egyptian government can effectively respond to and deter Israeli threats without abandoning its strategic commitment to peace.
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