“The gatekeeper of Gaza” is an overly simplified description that fails to capture the political and logistical complexities of the Rafah Crossing between Egypt and the Gaza Strip. Egypt has been cast as the gatekeeper in Rafah, a role that is more complex than public perception suggests.
Many are under the impression that Egypt has complete authority over the Rafah Crossing, whereas in fact Egypt and the Palestinian Authority (PA) co-manage it with heavy monitoring from Israel.
The 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access formalised this after Israel’s disengagement from Gaza, stating that Rafah would be operated by the PA with the presence of the EU. In reality, though, the crossing has undergone several shifts in authority over the years, including temporary openings, tunnel demolition, and construction, each change reflecting the dynamics of regional struggles.
After 7 October 2023, these dynamics became more complex, with Israel seizing the crossing in 2024 only to withdraw in 2025 as part of the then ceasefire agreement. The withdrawal was short-lived, however, as Rafah was later reoccupied during the “Might and Sword Operation” in March 2025. Throughout these events, Egypt resisted cooperating with Israel, insisting that the crossing should be managed by the Palestinian authorities.
Discriminating between perception and reality is challenging owing to the vast amount of information disseminated by the media, particularly in the era of misinformation. It is only through examining real-life facts that one can start to see beyond it.
With Egypt’s dispatch of its 27th humanitarian aid convoy to Gaza, despite ongoing Israeli restrictions, there has been a widespread misconception of Egyptian “total control” over Rafah. But even as Egypt has been mobilising aid trucks, it is the Israeli restrictions which dictate the process from start to finish.
There have been reports of Israeli settlers gathering along known aid delivery routes, waiting to intercept incoming trucks. Adding to the delays, Israeli troops have also fired at crowds waiting for the aid, with the casualties totalling over a thousand people. Israel’s grasp extends further, too, as the convoys cannot move without Israeli inspection, approval, and clearance. In theory, trucks that pass inspection enter Gaza to unload supplies to be distributed. In practice, however, that aid is delayed, blocked, or violently disrupted.
Humanitarian workers and agencies have stated that Israel has been obstructing the aid process, making it difficult or impossible for Palestinians to retrieve the aid safely. The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has said that it has 300 assistance trucks waiting to be allowed inside Gaza, and the UN Palestinian refugee agency UNRWA has said that it has around 6,000 aid trucks waiting in Jordan and Egypt to be approved.
What is being witnessed at the Rafah Crossing is not a new occurrence, however. A comparison could be made to the Berlin checkpoints during the Cold War, when Checkpoint Charlie, for example, was often perceived as being under the firm control of either the US or the Soviet Union. In reality, these checkpoints operated under a divided authority, constantly facing renegotiation and occasionally pushed to the brink of military confrontation.
The Rafah Crossing mirrors this dynamic as a pressure point where the rule of external powers conflicts. Egypt is seen as the “gatekeeper” of Rafah, when in reality the situation is a messy entanglement of competing authorities.
Egypt’s role entails a difficult balancing act as a result. Egypt seeks to maintain regional stability while assessing the new and complex geopolitical challenges arising in the region. It is also making efforts to maintain its strategic links with Washington, which include military and economic aid. This is all without delving into other challenges Egypt is attempting to manage, such as the refugee crisis in Sudan, the Ethiopian Dam threatening Egypt’s water security, and economic conditions in Egypt itself.
Some have claimed that this means that Egypt is neglecting the Palestinian people. However, on 23 May, Egypt’s representative to the United Nations addressed a UN Security Council session on Palestine and insisted on the need for immediate and practical interventions to provide support for humanitarian assistance in Gaza.
Nevertheless, Egypt has not escaped criticism despite its support for the Palestinians and the Israeli obstructions it faces at the Rafah Crossing. But this rage, directed at Egypt, risks obscuring the primary perpetrator of the catastrophe in Gaza – Israel.
Displacing the blame onto Egypt fractures international solidarity and weakens the pressure campaign where it matters the most. Diverting the outrage away from Israel, the perpetrator of the atrocities in Gaza, dilutes the public’s call for justice.
Standing in solidarity with Palestine means confronting the aggressor, not deflecting one’s anger towards those working, however imperfectly, to provide relief and aid.
The writer is a researcher at Badr University’s Centre for Global Affairs in Cairo.
* A version of this article appears in print in the 2 October, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly
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