Rarely does the conversation acknowledge the quieter but equally decisive role played by religious scholars. In Muslim-majority societies—and particularly in Egypt—scholars of Islamic law occupy a critical intersection between faith, public order, and social stability. Their work constitutes a form of preventive security that operates not through coercion, but through legitimacy.
National security is not defended by force alone. It is preserved through ideas, trust, and the moral resilience of society. Extremist movements understand this instinctively. They do not merely seek territory or political power; they seek religious legitimacy. By weaponizing religious language, they aim to weaken states from within, fracture communities along sectarian lines, and replace lawful authority with chaos disguised as piety. The first—and often most effective—line of defense against this ideological assault has always been credible religious scholarship.
One of the most pernicious claims advanced by violent groups is that loyalty to the state contradicts loyalty to faith. This false dichotomy has been systematically refuted by mainstream Islamic jurisprudence across centuries. Classical scholars consistently affirmed that preserving life, maintaining stability, and protecting public order rank among the highest objectives maqasid of Islamic law. Modern scholars continue this tradition by contextualizing these enduring principles within the framework of the contemporary nation-state.
The role of the mufti and the institutional fatwa apparatus is therefore vital. Authoritative religious guidance delegitimizes calls to violence and rebellion by grounding rulings in sound methodology (usul al-fiqh) rather than political passion or selective literalism. When a young person receives a clear, reasoned religious answer from a trusted institution, the appeal of clandestine ideologues diminishes significantly. Research demonstrates that religious authority, when exercised responsibly and with community grounding, proves highly effective in countering violent extremism.
The security dimension of scholarly work extends far beyond national borders. Through the General Secretariat for Fatwa Authorities Worldwide, established by Dar al-Iftaa in 2015, Egypt has helped create a global network of official fatwa institutions committed to methodological rigor and institutional responsibility. This cooperation enables scholars to share research, monitor emerging extremist arguments, and issue coordinated responses that are rooted in local contexts yet united by shared principles.
The Secretariat's Global Fatwa Index represents a particularly innovative tool. By systematically analyzing thousands of fatwas issued by extremist organizations—including ISIS and the Muslim Brotherhood—the Index exposes their theological distortions and provides counter-narratives grounded in authentic scholarship. For example, the Index documented that 30 percent of ISIS fatwas explicitly sanctioned violence against Christians and the destruction of churches, while 60% of their rulings obligated women to join jihad. These findings equip mainstream scholars with precise data to refute extremist claims.
This transnational coordination reflects a fundamental reality: extremism today is global in scope, facilitated by digital networks that transcend borders. The scholarly response must be equally coordinated. Regional initiatives in Kenya and Nigeria, supported by organizations including the Tony Blair Institute and the UN Office of Counter-Terrorism, have demonstrated that when religious actors are engaged from the design stage of counter-extremism programs, they combine unique assets—authority, credibility, institutional resources, and community grounding—to build resilience at the local level.
Training constitutes another pillar of this security architecture. Equipping imams and muftis to understand modern challenges—digital radicalization, identity crises among youth, the rapid spread of misinformation through social media—is no longer optional; it is a security imperative. A poorly trained preacher can unintentionally amplify harmful ideas. A well-trained scholar neutralizes them with calm authority and credible knowledge rooted in the Islamic tradition.
Egypt's Al-Azhar Observatory for Combating Extremism, established in 2014, monitors extremist content in twelve languages and produces counter-narratives through publications, reports, awareness campaigns, and audiovisual materials. Al-Azhar's recently proposed initiative to establish early detection networks in schools reflects the proactive nature of this approach: identifying vulnerability to extremism before radicalization occurs. Dar al-Iftaa similarly conducts multi-year training programs for muftis, including two years of theoretical study followed by practical apprenticeship in fatwa issuance.
International partners increasingly recognize the strategic value of religious institutions. Policymakers and security experts now consult bodies like Dar al-Iftaa and Al-Azhar not as symbolic actors but as operational partners. This shift is evident in global forums addressing violent extremism, where emphasis has migrated from purely military responses toward prevention through education, dialogue, and community engagement. A 2017 United States Institute of Peace report emphasized that religious actors should be "engaged early and often" in the design and implementation of counter-violent extremism solutions, and that faith-based approaches must avoid treating Muslim communities as monolithic security threats.
Egypt's experience demonstrates that religious legitimacy, when exercised responsibly within transparent and accountable frameworks, enhances state resilience rather than undermines it. Critically, this role does not compromise scholarly independence. On the contrary, institutional scholarship protects religion from politicization. When fatwas are issued within rigorous methodological frameworks subject to peer review and public scrutiny, they prevent religion from becoming a tool manipulated by factions, militias, or authoritarian regimes. This approach safeguards both faith and the state.
In a world marked by polarization, mistrust, and resurgent nationalism, Muslim scholars also contribute to external security by shaping how Islam is understood globally. By articulating positions that uphold peace, citizenship, and coexistence, they counter Islamophobic narratives that fuel social tension and political extremism in both Muslim-majority and Muslim-minority contexts. Dar al-Iftaa's fatwas on topics ranging from congratulating non-Muslims on religious holidays to rejecting ISIS's claim to represent authentic Islam serve dual functions: they guide Muslim communities while correcting widespread misconceptions among non-Muslims.
Security, after all, is interconnected. The 2024 Global Terrorism Index documents that while terrorism deaths globally remain concentrated in conflict zones, the impact in the Middle East and North Africa has declined 66% since its 2016 peak. This improvement cannot be attributed to military measures alone; it reflects sustained ideological and educational efforts by religious institutions working in concert with governments and civil society.
National security is not only about defending territorial borders or physical infrastructure. It is about defending meaning—the shared understandings, values, and narratives that bind societies together and provide citizens with a sense of purpose transcending narrow self-interest. Muslim scholars, when grounded in authentic tradition and responsive to contemporary realities, help societies defend both dimensions of security simultaneously.
The threats of the 21st century are hybrid: they combine kinetic violence with information warfare, local grievances with transnational networks, political opportunism with theological distortion. Confronting these threats requires similarly hybrid responses. Scholars trained in both classical jurisprudence and modern social dynamics can decode extremist messaging, expose its theological vacuity, and offer compelling alternatives that resonate with communities at risk.
This is not soft power in the conventional diplomatic sense. It is structural power—the capacity to shape the normative environment within which political actors operate, to define the boundaries of acceptable discourse, and to render certain forms of violence not merely illegal but religiously illegitimate and socially repugnant. In societies where religious identity remains central to both individual and collective life, this form of power may ultimately prove more durable than any military advantage.
Egypt's religious institutions have demonstrated over the past decade that scholarly authority, institutional capacity, international cooperation, and sustained commitment can significantly reduce both the appeal and the operational effectiveness of violent extremism. As President Sisi declared in January 2023, Egypt has largely won its battle against terrorism in Sinai. That victory belongs as much to scholars issuing fatwas in Cairo as to soldiers conducting operations in the desert. Both defend the nation—one through arms, the other through arguments. Both are indispensable.
*The writer is Senior Advisor to the Grand Mufti of Egypt.
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