The latest round of negotiations between Iran and the United States, held last Friday, was originally scheduled to take place in Turkey. But the Iranians pushed for it to be held in the Omani capital Muscat, and the Americans had no problem with the move. It is not be that the Iranians necessarily distrust the Turks but they definitely trust the Omanis more. Though Tehran has maintained good relations with Qatar, it also still prefers Muscat to Doha as a venue for negotiation with Washington.

This is partly because the negotiations are mostly conducted indirectly, with Omani Foreign Minister Badr Al-Busaidi and his team playing the role of communicating on behalf of both sides. This is the importance of the Omani role, based on a tradition of “fair and honest” mediation as far as all parties concerned see it.

When it comes to Iranian-American encounters, the Sultanate of Oman is the preferred venue and mediator. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) between Iran and world powers over the Iranian nuclear programme was reached in 2015 after discreet meetings between Iranians and Americans in Muscat. Under the Obama administration, the US engaged with Iran to discuss the possibility of Tehran reducing the level of uranium enrichment and its commitment to refraining from developing a bomb. In return, Washington would start easing sanctions on Tehran.

In 2018, the previous Trump administration withdrew from the JCPOA, which included the European trio of the UK, France, and Germany along with China and Russia. The Biden administration tried to revive JCPOA, and Oman once again played a pivotal role in American-Iranian dialogue.

Last year, the Trump administration engaged in a series of meetings with the Iranians with a view to reaching a new deal, or at least a revamped JCPOA. But the negotiations stopped in June when Israel attacked Iran and was later joined by the US in targeting Iranian nuclear facilities. The latest series of meetings last year were again held in Muscat. Though at some point it moved to Geneva, it was still mediated by the Omani foreign minister.

Apart from mediating the thorny issue of Iran’s dispute with the West, Oman kept quiet about the war in neighbouring Yemen since 2015. It only played a diplomatic role to bring the Houthis to negotiations with the Saudis when Riyadh decided to stop military action and seek a political solution in Yemen. Oman has traditional ties to eastern Yemen with tribal extensions across the border. It also has strong ties to Iran built on history and trade rather than the transactional basis of Qatari-Iranian relations, for example. That put them in a peculiar position to play a role when it comes to diplomacy and political settlement in Yemen.

Though Oman is a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), it has always pursued an independent foreign policy. That doesn’t mean breaking away from Gulf mutual interests, but Muscat has always steered away from Gulf internal rivalries. As one Omani political scientist puts it, his country is not passive or indifferent to regional developments. But it tries to stay at a safe distance from power wrangling, which “puts it in a good position to be a mediator trusted by all parties.”

The late Sultan Qaboos bin Said, who ruled the country for half a century between 1970 and 2020, established that neutral foreign policy that made many call the sultanate the “Switzerland of the Middle East,” in reference to Swiss neutrality after World War II. When he died, his successor Sultan Haitham bin Tariq was intent on following in the footsteps of his predecessor. Though the new sultan began focusing on reforming the economy, his foreign policy took the same course.

And yet Sultan Haitham has not stayed away from Arab summits and other regional top gatherings. That was the traditional way of the late Sultan Qaboos – sending high-ranking representatives to summits. Sultan Haitham is a little more proactive in engaging with regional powers, especially on issues relating to Gulf and Omani interests. A couple of years ago, Sultan Haitham bin Tariq attended a summit in Abu Dhabi that included the Bahraini king, Jordanian king, Egyptian president and Qatari emir, hosted by the UAE president.

Contrary to some analysts’ views that the new Omani sultan prefers to sit on the fence, Muscat is becoming more proactive in regional diplomacy. It is true that internal economic challenges are a priority for the Omani leadership, but foreign policy is hardly ignored. In fact, regional cooperation is sought after as a means of facing economic challenges through joint projects with Saudi Arabia, the UAE and others. Quietly, Sultan Haitham bin Tariq has started putting Oman back on track as the trusted mediator between regional adversaries.

Traditionally, the Gulf power centre is Riyadh. Positions on issues like relations with Iran, the stance on Syria or even normalisation with Israel are heavily influenced by the kingdom’s views. But the role of Oman, however subtle, is proving pivotal.

Early in his presidency, the late Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak told reporters in an off-the-record briefing how much Egypt cherishes its relations with Oman. He reiterated that Muscat was the Arab capital that kept its diplomatic relations with Cairo when Arabs boycotted Egypt following signing a peace treaty with Israel in late 1970s. Mubarak also mentioned that Oman had continued to support Egypt without making a public fuss about it. The Sultanate of Oman, though not as rich as some other Gulf countries, is the only Arab country that has never defaulted on its financial contribution to the Arab League.

Oman’s position in the region as a trusted mediator, gives Muscat the privilege of being the main address for international players with interests in the region, from the US to China through to India. It has also kept the sultanate relatively insulated from regional quarrels in recent years.

* A version of this article appears in print in the 12 February, 2026 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly

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