Ahram Online: Is Egypt now directly engaged in mediation efforts? What channels are actively open, and how close are we realistically to opening a negotiating track between Washington and Tehran, if at all?
Tamim Khallaf: Egypt is engaged in active efforts aimed at de-escalation. Our foreign minister has had regular calls with officials from the United States and Iran over the course of the war. Our efforts are fully concentrated on advocating for de-escalation, exercising self-restraint, and trying to diffuse existing tension with the ultimate intention to bring this war to a quick end. Our engagement is ongoing and in coordination with regional partners, in particular with Turkey and Pakistan.
It is a highly complex landscape, with a multitude of elements that need to be factored in. Everyone in the region understands this is a moment of historic consequence in the Middle East. We feel compelled, out of a sense of regional responsibility, to rise to the occasion to engage positively and constructively to promote de-escalation and carve a pathway for dialogue and diplomacy.
AO: A new joint track with Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan has taken shape—is this group aiming to broker immediate de-escalation? What exactly is Cairo’s objective within this mechanism?
TK: The countries combined are four geopolitical powerhouses, and we must work collectively to enhance our strategic alignment, given the unprecedented multi-faceted challenges our region faces. The meeting in Islamabad was the second meeting in this format in less than ten days. The four countries combined possess significant diplomatic leverage, and we want to harness our combined efforts to promote security and stability in the Middle East.
We exchange views within this format on how best to address the ongoing military escalation in the region and how to respond to the fallout from the war. But there are also deliberations on topics of a greater strategic nature related to post-war regional arrangements. Our combined strengths complement each other and act as a diplomatic force multiplier. We are leveraging these advantages to strengthen stability and security in the region.
AO: Egypt’s priority today is to force negotiations quickly, to prevent further military escalation that could draw Arab states into direct offensive, or is the focus already shifting toward a post-war arrangement? And what is Egypt’s leverage?
TK: The priority first is to ensure we are on a pathway towards de-escalation. We are doubling our collective efforts to avert the broadening of the war, containing its ramifications, and trying to prevent further escalation that would potentially put this region at a point of no return. We must avert this scenario at all costs. The priority is to encourage restraint, advocate for dialogue, and allow diplomacy to take its course through the appropriate channels. We must continue to uphold our faith in diplomacy and allow dialogue to prevail.
But while this is the priority, we are simultaneously not neglecting the greater strategic outlook. Important deliberations are already underway with our partners regarding post-war security arrangements in the region.
AO: The foreign minister visited Lebanon amid Israeli attacks and plans to occupy areas south of the Litani River—is there any realistic way to contain Israel’s attacks there?
TK: We have repeatedly expressed our unequivocal and unwavering support for Lebanon. Minister Badr Abdelatty’s visit to Lebanon last week was reflective of our resolute solidarity with its government and people. Egypt continues to support efforts to empower the Lebanese army to exercise its full control over Lebanese territory, in full display of state sovereignty.
Israel continues to assume that military occupation and the use of force will deliver security for its people. It will not. What we see happening in Gaza and now in Lebanon is echoing past strategic mistakes and reproducing policies that have proven to lack foresight. They are short-sighted policies that will perpetuate Israel’s involvement in enduring conflicts. Occupation is not a solution. It never was, and it never will be. It will only exacerbate tensions and fuel prolonged instability. It is déjà vu all over again.
AO: Now that the Houthis have joined the conflict, what is Cairo’s approach?
TK: We must continue to diligently exert our utmost efforts to put this region on a pathway for de-escalation. The more this war progresses, the greater the probability that unforeseen developments will unfold. As long as the war endures, the region will inevitably face greater risks and heightened vulnerabilities.
AO: The war is already impacting Egypt’s economy, fuel costs, Suez Canal revenues, supply chains, and remittances from the Gulf. How is this shaping Egypt’s diplomatic urgency?
TK: The war has had a consequential impact on the global economy. Nations across the world are feeling it, including Egypt. It adds additional layers of pressure on all of us to devote sustained efforts to bring this war to an end expeditiously. Despite the impact being felt, our economy has proven resilient over the years, able to absorb disruptions and shocks. We have succeeded to a large extent in navigating the impact of unforeseen developments over the course of the past ten years. We have seen it with the Ukraine conflict, the pandemic, and the surge in terrorist activity several years ago. The structural and fiscal reforms Egypt undertook have been central in building this resilient economy. We will get through this as well.
AO: How concerned is Egypt that the current war would impact the situation in Palestine?
TK: The war in Iran must not compromise our focus on what is happening in Gaza or the West Bank. We must collectively remain fully committed to implementing the second phase of President Trump’s plan. As global attention shifts to Iran, the focus on the humanitarian crisis in Gaza must be upheld and not overshadowed by other conflicts elsewhere. The shifts in media focus can risk treating one crisis as more urgent than another, but the reality on the ground in Gaza and the West Bank continues to demand immediate attention and action. We need to see the International Stabilization Force (ISF) operating in Gaza, the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG) empowered, and we have to ensure that humanitarian assistance and medical relief are afforded without delay.
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