The US-Iran war was not merely a transient military confrontation; it was a defining moment that has brought back to the forefront a fundamental question regarding the position of the Arab system within the regional security equation.
Its repercussions have exposed the fragility of existing security arrangements and highlighted the high cost of reliance on external actors, at a time when transnational threats are intensifying in both scope and complexity.
What has emerged from this confrontation was not only a shifting balance of power, but a deeper structural imbalance in how regional security has been conceived and managed. Accordingly, it is no longer viable to sustain Arab joint action in its traditional form; the moment demands a transition towards a more coherent, effective, and forward-looking framework.
Within this context, the ongoing Arab consultations ahead of the anticipated Arab Summit in Riyadh acquire exceptional significance. They represent more than routine diplomatic coordination but offer a rare opportunity to move beyond crisis management towards the formulation of a new strategic trajectory.
The Arab states are now called upon to develop shared visions and actionable strategies that can be collectively adopted, not merely endorsed in principle. The era of carefully worded communiqués must give way to the creation of executive mechanisms capable of strengthening collective action and anticipating future challenges across security, economic, and crisis-response domains.
This also requires adopting structured approaches to crisis management that are rooted in systematic analysis, examining past experiences, identifying their underlying causes, and ensuring that their failures are not repeated.
The appointment of a new secretary general of the Arab League who is distinguished by experience and institutional knowledge provides an important opening to revitalise Arab joint action. This transition in leadership can serve as a catalyst for modernising the league’s institutional tools and redefining its operational role.
A more agile and responsive league is essential if it is to keep pace with the increasingly complex and fluid dynamics of the region, where traditional diplomatic approaches are often outmatched by rapidly evolving political and security realities.
One of the clearest lessons of the current phase is that regional security cannot be reduced to shifting balances of power alone. Stability requires a broader political framework that is anchored within the region itself, rather than outsourced to external powers such as the United States, whose strategic calculations have repeatedly drawn the region into costly and destabilising confrontations, often aligned with its own priorities and those of Israel.
A logical starting point would be the development of a “Declaration of Principles for Coexistence” to be endorsed at an Arab summit or within a broader regional forum. This initiative could draw on historical precedents such as the Helsinki Final Act of 1975, which provided the foundation for a durable system of security and cooperation in Europe.
Such a declaration would rest on a set of clearly defined principles: respect for sovereignty; non-interference in internal affairs; the peaceful resolution of disputes; and the establishment of confidence-building measures. More importantly, it would create the basis for a rules-based regional order in which interactions among states are governed by agreed norms rather than ad hoc arrangements or unilateral calculations.
The absence of such a framework has long been one of the Middle East’s defining vulnerabilities, making it the only major region in the world without an integrated system for security and cooperation.
The current regional environment may, in fact, be conducive to taking such a step. A collective political decision could lead to the establishment of an institutional mechanism, supported by a permanent secretariat, tasked with managing regional relations across security, military, and developmental dimensions.
This framework should be inclusive and open to all regional actors, provided they commit to the agreed principles and obligations related to peace, stability, and cooperation. It would not constitute an alliance against any particular state, but rather be a structured system resembling, in its logic, the European Union model of cooperative integration.
Participation, however, must be conditional. Iran’s inclusion would depend on its adherence to non-interference in the internal affairs of neighbouring states. Israel’s participation would require the formal recognition of a Palestinian state. Ethiopia’s engagement would hinge on a legally binding agreement with Egypt and Sudan concerning shared water resources.
In the absence of such commitments, states that are prepared to move forward could begin building this framework independently, allowing others to join at a later stage once they recognise the tangible benefits of collective security and development.
Key regional actors, particularly Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan, are well positioned to lead such an initiative. The proposed institutional architecture could include permanent committees dedicated to security coordination, mechanisms for early warning and crisis prevention, and joint reconstruction efforts implemented through a regional consortium.
It would also encompass economic integration initiatives across sectors such as transport, energy, water management, agriculture, finance, and trade. Beyond these core areas, specialised committees could address emerging priorities, including technology, artificial intelligence, education, public health, and media cooperation, thereby ensuring that the framework evolves in line with both present and future challenges.
The Arab world today stands at a critical juncture. It can either continue to operate within externally imposed security arrangements that reflect the priorities of others, or it can assert a more active role in shaping its own strategic environment. The convergence of current consultations, the Riyadh Summit, evolving leadership within the Arab League, and the proposal for a regional Declaration of Principles creates a unique moment in which a new phase of Arab joint action can be launched.
Yet the realisation of this vision ultimately depends on political will. It requires overcoming entrenched divisions, shifting from reactive policies to proactive strategies, and moving beyond short-term crisis management towards the construction of a stable and balanced regional order. The experience of war has underscored the urgency of rebuilding trust among Arab states and countering narratives designed to fragment the region. Strengthening solidarity is not merely a rhetorical objective; it is a strategic necessity in the face of mounting external and internal pressures.
Within this evolving landscape, Egypt is uniquely positioned to play a central role in recalibrating the regional balance. Its diplomatic experience, mediation capacity, and long-standing commitment to political solutions provide a solid foundation for advancing such an initiative. By contributing to the formulation of a regional Declaration of Principles and facilitating renewed Arab coordination, Egypt can help reinforce the ability of the Arab system to function as a cohesive and influential bloc.
Ultimately, the Palestinian issue remains the defining test of any credible regional project. As violence and settlement expansion in the West Bank and Gaza continue to erode the viability of the two-state solution, addressing this crisis is no longer simply a matter of principle; it is a prerequisite for regional stability.
The coming phase therefore requires a coordinated Arab strategy that combines diplomatic pressure, legal action, and renewed engagement in negotiations, including efforts to encourage US President Donald Trump to revive his proposed peace framework for Gaza, while confronting ongoing violations on the ground.
In the final analysis, the challenge before the Arab world is not merely to respond to the aftermath of war, but to redefine its place within a changing regional order. The opportunity exists to move from fragmentation to coherence, from dependency to agency, and from crisis management to strategic construction.
Seizing that opportunity will determine whether the region remains subject to external designs or becomes, at last, the architect of its own security.
The writer is former assistant foreign minister.
* A version of this article appears in print in the 16 April, 2026 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly
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