This was not an accident but a reflection of Benjamin Netanyahu’s mindset—a leader who has become the “Hitler of our time,” driving his nation with illusions of supremacy and unchecked power toward isolation and collapse.
For years, Israel sold itself as a partner in the region, seeking legitimacy through Arab normalization. That illusion is gone. The attack on Doha did more than hit Qatari soil—it shattered the Gulf’s perception of Israel. Where Iran was once seen as the main threat, Israel now occupies that role. The result is that Israel is no longer a state seeking recognition but a state condemned. Every new round of international outrage erodes what little moral and political credit it had left.
Like Hitler, Netanyahu is captive to fantasies of domination. He preaches hatred and racism, believing tanks and jets can guarantee legitimacy. But tyranny breeds isolation. Military power fades when it confronts the will of nations. His path leads only to endless cycles of violence, instability, and eventual ruin.
Real responses to Israel must go beyond rhetoric. This should include shifting armament policies, allowing Egypt and the Gulf to diversify away from US weapons and embrace Russian and Chinese alternatives.
Israel considers normalization as its greatest victory, so freezing and halting the very process will hurt Israel tremendously. Diplomacy and lawfare must be intensified to isolate Israel further and expose its crimes before the International Court of Justice.
Stronger alliances should be forged, particularly with Turkey, to challenge Israel’s regional overreach. Global media must be used professionally to launch campaigns that expose Netanyahu as today’s Hitler, not a democratic statesman.
Cracks in U.S.–Israeli ties exist, and they can be recognized and widened intelligently. At the same time, it is important to engage with dissent inside Israel, as many in its society reject Netanyahu’s extremism. In my opinion, Egypt and Saudi Arabia must lead. Their coordination is vital. Israel’s ambitions, if unchecked, will not stop at Gaza or Doha—they will extend to Al Medina and Sinai.
A huge policy recommendation would be the activation of the Arab Common Market. This single, concise decision combines clarity, rapid results, deep and lasting impact, and prior endorsement from all relevant parties.
Activating the Arab Common Market, guided by a structured roadmap and strict timeline, under the management of competent and qualified executives, would, by design, render all normalization agreements with Israel void of substance. It would also gradually erode America’s unconditional bias toward Israel, as shifting interests rebalance regional and global dynamics.
The struggle is not merely political; it is a confrontation with entrenched empires of finance, economy, and media—where neither logic, negotiation, litigation, threats, nor rhetoric has succeeded, nor will they ever suffice. It must also be emphasized that the Arab Common Market—currently suspended—should not be compromised or overshadowed by external powers, whether Russian, Chinese, British, French, or German.
Israel is not the strong victor it pretends to be. It is increasingly isolated, disgraced, and led by a man who repeats Hitler’s path. If countries in the Middle East act with vision and unity, they will do more than defend Qatar or other states threatened by Netanyahu—they will prove that Israel is not beyond accountability. History is clear: those who walk in Hitler’s footsteps cannot escape his fate.
The heart of this vision lies in Egypt. But Egypt’s strength depends on fixing its own political and economic foundations. Only then can it lead the region in confronting Israel’s reckless and dangerous course.
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