Gaza between powers: A people frozen as the Security Council plays 'politics'

Dina Samak
Saturday 15 Nov 2025

What is unfolding today at the UN Security Council is not merely a diplomatic disagreement over wording or procedure; it is the latest chapter in a long saga where Palestinian rights are bartered, suspended, or reshaped to fit the calculations of powerful states.

 

Gaza, wounded, besieged, and exhausted, is once again the bargaining table upon which others imagine futures it has not chosen.

Washington’s new draft resolution, marketed as a stabilising blueprint for the Strip, reveals a familiar logic: security before sovereignty, demilitarisation before dignity, “reform” before rights. Behind the reassuring diplomatic language lies a structure that threatens to prolong external control under a fresh label.

And while Russia and China loudly reject parts of the plan, especially the proposed governing body led by Donald Trump, their defence of Palestinian sovereignty has yet to extend meaningfully beyond the walls of the Council chamber.

The US proposal revolves around a contentious creation: a “Board of Peace,” chaired by Trump, tasked with administering Gaza for at least two years alongside an international stabilisation force. According to text obtained by AFP, this force would “permanently decommission weapons from non-state armed groups” and coordinate security through 2027. Gaza’s political horizon, meanwhile, would remain tethered to conditions dictated by others. Israeli withdrawal is explicitly tied to “standards, milestones, and timeframes… agreed by Israel, the stabilisation force, the US, and others.” In other words, Israel retains an effective veto over every substantive step.

The US insists that the plan charts a “credible pathway to Palestinian statehood,” yet even this promise is wrapped in conditionality. The draft notes that only “after reforms to the Palestinian Authority are faithfully carried out and Gaza redevelopment has advanced” may conditions be “in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination.” It is the language of delay—the kind Palestinians know too well. Rights contingent on approval. Statehood deferred until further notice.

Russia and China have challenged the heart of this design. Diplomats told AP that both powers demanded the complete removal of the Board of Peace from the resolution, calling it politically biased and lacking legitimacy. Moscow did not mince words: the American text, it said, “fails to reflect the realities on the ground” and offers no “credible roadmap for long-term stability.” Beijing echoed the criticism, insisting on genuine multilateral oversight over any international force.

Several Arab states have taken a similar stance. Egypt, which carries both the burden and responsibility of proximity, has voiced “serious reservations” about the US proposal. Cairo insists that no final arrangement can “compromise the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people,” and it continues consultations to ensure the Palestinian Authority is not sidelined. Even the UAE, Washington’s reliable partner, declared publicly that it “does not yet see a clear framework” for the proposed stabilisation force and will not participate under current terms.

Yet it would be naïve to treat Russia and China as the principled guardians of Palestinian sovereignty they now claim to be. Their objections may be correct, even necessary, but their commitment beyond New York remains untested. History suggests caution. Their stance in the Council is a political calculation, not a moral one. And Gaza, as always, risks becoming a tool rather than a cause.

The United States, for its part, is pressing hard. The US mission warned that debates around its resolution would result in “grave, tangible, and entirely avoidable consequences” for Palestinians should the ceasefire unravel. This warning lands with bitter irony: Washington demands urgency while advancing a plan that would concentrate decision-making power in the hands of those most responsible for Gaza’s suffering: Israel.

Meanwhile, the reality on the ground makes a mockery of these diplomatic theatrics. Despite the ceasefire, Israeli attacks continue near-daily, and humanitarian aid remains throttled. Winter is tightening its grip on a population of more than two million people living with almost no electricity, contaminated water, collapsing hospitals, and the weight of a siege that has lasted longer than some lifetimes. Every hour of Security Council paralysis translates into human cost: hunger, cold, displacement, untreated wounds.

What we are witnessing is not simply a dispute over governance models. It is a confrontation between competing visions of Gaza’s future: one that centres Palestinian agency, and another that repackages control as “stability.” The US resolution, even dressed in diplomatic finesse, risks entrenching a new administrative arrangement that keeps Palestinians subordinate to external decision-makers. Russia and China oppose the plan, but their alternative is a geopolitical manoeuver, not a strategy for liberation.

In this crowded field of powerful actors, Egypt’s position stands apart, not because it holds all the answers, but because it grasps the central truth: any process that excludes Palestinian ownership is destined to collapse. Egypt’s insistence that the Palestinian Authority must remain integral to any governing framework is not a defence of the PA’s performance; it is a defence of political legitimacy in a territory that has been repeatedly fragmented by war, siege, and international design.

The blunt reality is this: The United States speaks of peace while structuring prolonged containment; Russia and China speak of sovereignty while stopping short of the meaningful pressure needed to uphold it; and Gaza, battered and grieving, is told once more to wait - for conditions, for reforms, for milestones, for permission.

Gaza does not need another imposed mechanism. It does not need a foreign-appointed council chaired by a delusional self-admiring US president. It needs what the UN Charter has guaranteed but great powers have delayed: the right of a people to determine their own political destiny without coercion or occupation.

If the international community is serious about preventing Gaza’s darkest winter from deepening, it must move beyond posturing and place Palestinian rights - not the geopolitical ambitions of powerful states - at the centre of every discussion. Without that shift, every resolution will be another document added to the archive of missed chances and moral failures.

And history will judge this moment not as a diplomatic deadlock, but as a human tragedy prolonged by those who had the power to act,  yet chose not to.

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