A Suez moment for the United States?

Amr Hamzawy
Wednesday 15 Apr 2026

The Tripartite Aggression against Egypt in 1956 that marked the end of British power in the Middle East could have lessons for the US war against Iran today.

 

In the annals of international history, there exist pivotal moments measured not merely by the outcomes of military battles, but by the profound impact they leave upon the political standing and symbolic stature of major powers.

Prominent among these moments is the Tripartite Aggression against Egypt in 1956, which stands out as a decisive turning point in the trajectory of the British Empire. It exposed the limits of imperial power and paved the way for its eventual decline, while simultaneously elevating the stature of former Egyptian president Gamal Abdel-Nasser as a symbol of national liberation across the Arab and developing worlds.

Today in the wake of the 2026 war with Iran a similar question arises: are we currently experiencing a parallel historical moment, one that signals the onset of a decline in American hegemony, even if the specific contexts and immediate outcomes differ?

In 1956, Abdel-Nasser exercised a sovereign prerogative by nationalising the Suez Canal in a decision that Britain and France perceived as a direct threat to their strategic and economic interests. The response was swift: a military coalition comprising London, Paris, and Tel Aviv launched a military operation aimed at toppling the Egyptian regime and reasserting control over the canal.

Yet, despite the aggressors’ clear military superiority, the campaign ended in abject political failure under the weight of international pressure, most notably from the United States and the then Soviet Union. This failure was not merely a tactical setback; rather, it dealt a shattering blow to Britain’s image as an imperial power capable of imposing its will, effectively signalling the beginning of the end of its traditional global role.

The significance of the Suez moment lies in the fact that it exposed the inherent disconnect between military capability and political power. Britain and France succeeded in achieving partial military objectives, yet they failed to translate these into sustainable political gains. On the contrary, the operation led to their international isolation, fuelled the rise of national liberation movements within their colonies, and bolstered the stature of Abdel-Nasser, who emerged as a national hero and a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement.

Turning to the present moment in 2026, we find similar echoes within a different context. The war waged by the United States with support from Israel against Iran may have achieved certain military or tactical objectives; however, according to numerous indicators, it has not yielded clear political gains. Indeed, its regional and international repercussions suggest an erosion of the image of American power and a decline in its capacity to forge international consensus around its policies.

The policies of US President Donald Trump play a pivotal role in explaining this erosion. His administration, characterised by a unilateralist approach and a preference for military instruments and “maximum pressure” tactics, has weakened the United States’ traditional network of alliances and sowed doubts regarding the credibility of American commitments, among allies no less than adversaries.

Although the United States continues to possess overwhelming military and economic superiority, its ability to translate this dominance into stable political influence appears far less evident than it did in previous decades.

Here, the parallel with the Suez moment becomes apparent: in both instances, a great power or empire possesses the instruments of “hard power”, yet faces mounting difficulties in deploying them to achieve sustainable political objectives. Nevertheless, the points of divergence are no less significant. In 1956, Britain was indeed in a phase of relative decline following World War II, relying increasingly on American support. The United States today, however, remains the undisputed preeminent global power, albeit one facing mounting challenges from other powers, such as China.

Furthermore, the international order in 1956 was characterised by a distinct bipolarity between Washington and Moscow, whereas the current system exhibits a higher degree of multipolarity and complexity, with the roles of regional and international powers intersecting in unprecedented ways. This complexity makes it difficult to speak of a decisive moment of decline akin to the Suez crisis, yet it does not rule out the possibility of a cumulative process of erosion in American hegemony.

On the other hand, the nature of the local actors differs. In 1956, Abdel-Nasser embodied a clearly defined liberationist project and was able to leverage the crisis to bolster both his domestic and international legitimacy. In the Iranian case, the situation is more complex since Iran enjoys neither a comparable degree of regional nor international consensus and indeed faces widespread criticism regarding its regional conduct. Nevertheless, its relative resilience in the face of military pressure could, as has occurred in other historical instances, translate into political or symbolic gains over the long term.

The most critical question, then, is not whether 2026 constitutes an “American Suez moment” in the literal sense, but rather whether it exposes the growing limits of American power in a rapidly changing world. In this world, hegemony is no longer measured solely by the capacity to win wars, but by the ability to construct stable regional orders, manage conflicts effectively, and sustain a network of alliances founded upon mutual trust.

If the Suez Crisis taught us that military might alone is insufficient to sustain empires, then contemporary developments suggest that this lesson remains as valid as ever. The United States may not be on the brink of a rapid or dramatic decline, yet it faces a genuine challenge in redefining its global role and specifically in transitioning from a logic of hegemony to one of partnership and the management of power balances.

Ultimately, one might argue that a comparison between 1956 and 2026 is not a comparison between two identical moments, but rather between two distinct patterns of crisis that reveal a singular truth: that political legitimacy and the capacity to forge international consensus remain the decisive factors in sustaining global influence.

Just as Britain paid the price for disregarding this truth at Suez, the United States is called upon today to internalise that very same lesson before this moment of gradual erosion transforms into a far more definitive historical turning point.

The writer is a political scientist and former MP. He is currently director of the Middle East Programme at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, DC.

* A version of this article appears in print in the 16 April, 2026 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly

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