The Israeli-Palestinian crisis has reached a dangerous tipping point, and the forced displacement of Gazans into neighbouring countries would be not just a humanitarian catastrophe and a termination of the Palestinian cause, but also a looming national security crisis for Egypt.
As the only regional actor with both the credibility and the strategic imperative to mediate in the crisis, Cairo must recalibrate its approach, expanding beyond traditional diplomatic channels to embrace track II diplomacy and a strategy that engages religious and civil society leaders to de-escalate tensions and build pathways towards a sustainable resolution.
For decades, Egypt has played a pivotal role in mediating between Israelis and Palestinians, often stepping in as the only viable broker in moments of crisis. Yet, the current war exposes the limits of traditional diplomacy. Ceasefire efforts have repeatedly collapsed, Israel’s military strategy remains uncompromising, and international institutions are paralysed. Meanwhile, hardline voices within Israel have floated the idea of permanently displacing the Gazans, a move that would not only violate international law but also entrench instability in the region for generations.
For Egypt, such an outcome is unacceptable. Beyond the moral imperative of preventing a forced population transfer, allowing displaced Palestinians to settle in Sinai, even temporarily, is totally unacceptable to Egypt and would create long-term security liabilities. Egypt has spent years combating insurgencies in North Sinai, and an influx of displaced people in a volatile region could become a fertile ground for radicalisation. Moreover, any scenario that erases Palestinian territorial claims by shifting populations across borders undermines the principle of Palestinian self-determination, something Egypt has historically defended.
However, simply opposing forced displacement is not enough. Cairo must proactively reshape the conversation, preventing Sinai from becoming a pressure valve for an intractable conflict. This requires engaging in a more nuanced form of diplomacy, one that leverages Egypt’s religious and moral influence to shape the regional and global discourse.
If formal diplomacy has stalled, informal diplomacy must take centre stage. Track II diplomacy, which involves unofficial dialogue between religious leaders, scholars, and civil society actors, has historically played a crucial role in breaking deadlocks where official negotiations have failed. Unlike track I diplomacy, which is constrained by political calculations, track II diplomacy allows for moral, ethical, and humanitarian considerations to shape dialogue.
For Egypt, this means mobilising its religious institutions, most notably Al-Azhar and the Dar Al-Iftaa, to engage in a diplomatic initiative that prioritises moral authority over political posturing. Religious leaders can create backchannels for dialogue, counter extremist narratives, and offer alternative frameworks for coexistence. By engaging religious figures from across the Arab and Muslim world, as well as Jewish and Christian religious figures committed to peace, Egypt can amplify voices advocating de-escalation and long-term reconciliation.
Egypt’s unique status as the intellectual and spiritual hub of Sunni Islam gives it an unparalleled ability to shape religious discourse around the conflict. This is where Al-Azhar and the Dar Al-Iftaa must step in – not as political actors, but as moral arbiters in an era of deep polarisation.
As part of efforts to mobilise moral and religious leadership, Al-Azhar should issue authoritative statements rejecting forced displacement and reaffirming Palestinian sovereignty as a religious and ethical imperative. Egyptian religious scholars can work with Muslim, Christian, and Jewish leaders worldwide to promote principles of peace, justice, and coexistence.
A Cairo-based interfaith peace summit, a Multi-Faith Mediation Forum, could provide a neutral space for religious actors to engage in dialogue, independent of state-driven political agendas. The focus should be on protecting civilians, preventing further radicalisation, and ensuring that humanitarian corridors remain open.
Moreover, while the world focuses on military operations, radical groups are exploiting the crisis to recruit and inflame tensions. Al-Azhar and Dar Al-Iftaa should launch a strategic communication campaign to counter extremist rhetoric, ensuring that young Muslims globally engage with the Palestinian cause constructively rather than through radicalisation.
Egypt’s religious leadership must also expand its engagement with Western academic and policy institutions, ensuring that discussions about the Palestinian cause are not monopolised by hardline narratives. A permanent advisory group on religious diplomacy should be established to engage with institutions like the Vatican, prominent Jewish scholars, and US-based think tanks, all of which would enhance Egypt’s global influence.
At a time when global leadership on the Israeli-Palestinian crisis is either absent or ineffective, Egypt is uniquely positioned to chart a different course, one that moves beyond rigid state-to-state diplomacy and embraces a moral, religious, and humanitarian approach to de-escalation.
Track II diplomacy, led by Egypt’s religious institutions, offers an opportunity to reshape the conversation, prevent Sinai from becoming a refugee pressure valve, and reaffirm the principles of Palestinian self-determination. If Cairo fails to act, the risk is not just regional instability. It is the loss of Egypt’s historical leadership role in the Palestinian cause and, more importantly, the erosion of its moral authority in the Islamic world.
In moments of crisis, history remembers those who shape the narrative rather than simply react to it. The question is whether Egypt will seize this moment and lead a new diplomatic paradigm or whether it will allow the crisis to dictate its own fate.
The writer is a senior adviser to the Grand Mufti of Egypt.
* A version of this article appears in print in the 27 February, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly
Short link: