After remarkable demonstrations and million-strong marches on the anniversary of the January 25 revolution, I wrote on my Facebook page a summary of what I witnessed: “The nation of Egypt can only trust itself to reach its goal. Beware anyone who is delusional about aborting the revolution. Anyone who plotted to hijack it must remember that victory is its ally.”

No doubt, in the previous year there have been beneficial lessons; some inspiring, others painful. First, the events during the first session of parliament, especially the speech by its star member, Muslim Brotherhood MP, Akram El-Shaer, who made the nation weep when he reminded us of the duty of avenging the martyrs and the injured.

Second, celebrations of revolution day, especially the peaceful marches and demonstrations by revolutionary youth, regained the confidence of millions who had embraced those youth a year ago. The revolution recaptured its spirit, fervour and confidence in its promise.

Third, the announcement by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) that revolution day is a national holiday had the aim of making the anniversary celebrating the revolution the day of its demise. But there are still legitimate fears that the military, the Brotherhood and the youth may yet fail to proceed with wisdom, steadily and with cognisance towards achieving the revolution’s slogan that the people demand the building of a new regime. This implies basic freedoms, social justice, human dignity, nationalism, progress and leadership.

There is concern that the January 25 revolution is present in three forms: betrayed revolution, hijacked revolution, and perpetual revolution.

The revolution appears “betrayed” by the SCAF which had participated in removing the head and symbols of Mubarak’s regime through a “palace coup” under pressure from the people’s revolution. It was inspired to purge the shameful plan of succession, and it completed this first and key victory of the revolution. However, despite the importance of its role in protecting the Egyptian nation from collapse, the SCAF believe the youth of the nascent revolution have overstepped their boundaries and therefore it ignored them instead of embracing them. It patronised them instead of holding them in high regard.

The SCAF undermined the revolution of our young by sabotaging their image, dividing their ranks, cracking down on their movement and pursuing the activists among them in bitter blood-soaked battles.

For practical reasons, the positions of the “third party” coincided – and I do not mean conspired – with those of the SCAF after the former lost its standing but not its tools of influence in the state’s security, media and other institutions. This group – the “third party” – continued defending its corrupt interests and usurped wealth, in the belief that the revolution that has not yet taken power is still a foetus that can be aborted.

Second, the revolution appears to be “hijacked” by the Brotherhood who joined the revolution three days late in light of the uncertain fate awaiting the youth who went to the streets with great courage to confront the muscle and weapons of an immense security machine constructed by the regime to protect itself and oversee succession.

The Brotherhood claimed that they did not participate in the revolution from the onset out of fear that the regime would wipe it out on the pretext that the uprising was a conspiracy by “Islamist extremists.” Nonetheless, some Brotherhood youth rebelled and joined the “revolution of the youth” from the start, disobeying orders as their conscience dictated.

Once the Brotherhood joined the revolution, it was no doubt a decisive and key factor in its success and became a genuine partner. The Brotherhood’s party, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), won a majority in the first open parliamentary elections, with a percentage that I do not believe would have been much different even had they not employed religion and massive funds in their campaigns.

But the Brotherhood’s propensity to hijack the revolution was apparent long before the elections, when they rejected the idea of the constitution being written first, and then later rejected national consensus on the basic principles of the constitution and the criteria for forming the Constituent Assembly.

Once more the Brotherhood demonstrated their preference to reject the need for national consensus, by seeking to control parliamentary committees, triggering widespread suspicion about the kind of constitution they have on their agenda Meanwhile, the Brotherhood majority is condescending towards the opposition minority in parliament, and manipulates the bogeyman of the “Tahrir youth” to serve its interests. All this foretells a position of hegemony and absolute power that is not unlike the previous regime, which mocked the opposition and manipulated the bogeyman of the Islamists calling it “the banned group.”

Third, the revolution seems “perpetual” because despite its undeniable achievements, it is still in crisis not having accomplished a critical prerequisite for the completion of any revolution namely taking over the reins of power. Revolutionary youth and forces remain hostage to fulfilling the slogan “the people demand the overthrow of the regime.” As part of continued clashes with the SCAF, the young January 25 revolutionaries have raised the banner “down with military rule,” but it failed to gain popular support until the crackdown on protests outside the cabinet after which this goal was embraced by the women of Egypt and their supporters.

Then came the million-man march on the anniversary of the revolution when the slogan became very popular, and even the Brotherhood members on the street chanted it after it became apparent to everyone that the SCAF is unfit to rule or for politics. It became clear that national interest demands a swift transfer of power to an elected political entity. The SCAF handed over legislative powers and oversight to an elected parliament, and it can only do the same with executive powers to an elected president.

The Brotherhood and the Salafists, the majority in parliament, rejected suggestions by revolutionary youth to temporarily hand over the presidency to the speaker of parliament, or to elect a temporary president from outside parliament until presidential elections are held within 60 days in early April. SCAF said the deadline for presidential elections would be before the beginning of July, which is a three-month difference.

Nonetheless, the lack of trust and uncertainly requires the SCAF to slate these elections for an earlier date that is not tied to the completion of the new constitution. This would comply with the referendum on constitutional amendments and prove to the nation that the SCAF has finally understood the meaning of the revolution.

Finally, I believe that in order to construct the foundation of a new regime, the path of revolutionary legitimacy must be parallel to constitutional legitimacy. Meanwhile, the role of revolutionary youth should not be synonymous with perpetual revolution but instead embody revolutionary opposition that safeguards the mission of the revolution. They should spar or agree within the framework of national unity with reformist opposition and the majority forces, in order to win the hearts and minds of the nation as part of the dynamic of unity and conflict.

The Brotherhood must realise, as noted by its Supreme Guide, that consensus rather than conflict cannot be achieved without national consensus on a constitution that safeguards citizenship rights, respect for which will be the measuring stick for voters next time they vote. Citizens aspire for better lives in the real world and not warrantees of forgiveness that will guarantee them entry into heaven.

The youth must know that the promise of revolution will not be achieved by imposing the will of the minority but by winning the majority through organised, peaceful and unremitting political action that wins the entire nation to the side of the revolution. The interim and elected powers must realise that they cannot impose stability through tools of oppression, suppression and duplicity against youth who have mastered the road to revolution.