The southern Syrian city of Sweida has been experiencing cautious calm since the announcement of a ceasefire on Sunday following a week of deadly clashes between Druze fighters and armed factions from Sunni Bedouin tribes.
The violence, which erupted on 13 July, has resulted in the deaths of more than 1,000 people, according to the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR). The International Organisation for Migration, a UN organisation, reported that more than 128,000 people have been displaced by the conflict.
International media correspondents stationed on the outskirts of Sweida, a stronghold of Syria’s Druze community, reported that humanitarian aid convoys were preparing to enter the city.
They confirmed the absence of gunfire or clashes and noted that the Damascus-Daraa Road was now free of tribal fighters.
The Syrian and international press reported the deployment of Ministry of the Interior forces to Sweida. The SOHR stated that a “cautious calm” had reigned on the frontlines since Saturday at midnight, but it warned of a worsening humanitarian situation and a severe shortage of medical supplies.
Interior Ministry Spokesman Noureddin Al-Baba wrote on Telegram that “Sweida has been evacuated of all tribal fighters, and clashes in the city’s neighbourhoods have ceased.”
Syrian Tribal Council Spokesman Khaldoun Al-Ahmed told Arabic satellite TV channels that “all members of the tribes and clans have withdrawn from Sweida in response to the call of the presidency and in accordance with the terms of the agreement reached to give space for the state and its institutions.”
Syrian Interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa declared the ceasefire, affirming his commitment to “protecting minorities,” holding “violators” from any party accountable, and initiating the deployment of security forces in Sweida.
US Special Envoy Thomas Barrack said that “Syria stands at a critical juncture. Peace and dialogue must prevail – and prevail now.”
The Druze are monotheistic Shia Muslims, tribally known as the Bani Maaruf. They take the name “Druze” after preacher Mohamed ibn Ismail Al-Darazi (aka Nashtakin), who helped spread their teachings in the Levant.
The Druze are primarily located in southern Syria, particularly in Jabal Al-Arab, Sweida, and the Occupied Golan Heights. They also inhabit northern Palestine, the Upper Galilee, and parts of Lebanon, especially the Chouf Mountains.
Religious men in the Druze community are called uqal, or “the wise,” and they are led by the Sheikh Al-Uqal. They discourage interfaith marriage and promote unions based on mutual consent and equality. Polygamy is prohibited, and the right to divorce is not exclusive to men.
Since their emergence in the 10th century CE, the Druze have played a prominent role in the history of the Levant. They fought alongside Sunni Muslim forces against the Crusaders at the Battle of Hattin in 1187 and earned the trust of the Ayyubid Dynasty, which succeeded the Fatimids in ruling Egypt and the Levant.
Under the later Mameluke Dynasty, they participated in the Battle of Ain Jalut against the Mongols in 1260.
The Druze sided with the Ottoman Empire against Egyptian rule in the 1830s and 1840s. However, after the withdrawal of Egyptian forces following the Convention of London in 1840, tensions escalated between the Druze and the Christian Maronites, culminating in the 1860 civil conflict known as the “War of the Mountain”.
The relationship between the Druze and the Ottoman authorities later deteriorated, culminating in Ottoman attacks on Jabal Al-Druze and the execution of leaders such as Dhuqan Al-Atrash and Yehia Amer in 1911.
In response, the Druze lent their support to the 1916 Arab Revolt against Ottoman rule led by Sharif Hussein, the then ruler of Mecca.
Sultan Al-Atrash, a prominent Druze leader, was the first to raise the flag of the Arab Revolt in the mountains and in Damascus. He played a key role in the installation of Faisal, son of the ruler of Mecca, as King of Syria in 1919.
However, the Arab Kingdom was defeated by French occupying forces at the Battle of Maysalun outside Damascus in 1920. Following the defeat, its supporters, including the Druze, retreated to their respective regions.
Revolts later erupted against the French occupation in Druze areas under the leadership of Al-Atrash, in Sunni Aleppo led by Ibrahim Hananu, and in Jabal Al-Alawite under Sheikh Saleh Al-Ali.
The uprisings thwarted French plans to partition Syria, and efforts to establish the Syrian Republic began in Damascus. Syria gained independence from France in 1943.
Since the 1920s, the Druze have aligned themselves with Arab nationalism, producing prominent intellectuals and military officers in Syria and Lebanon, where they currently number over one million.
The Druze reject “Israelisation policies” in the Occupied Golan Heights and affirm their identity as Arab Syrians.
Approximately 110,000 Druze live in Occupied Palestine, where the Israeli census classifies them as “Druze” rather than “Druze Muslims.”
Many Druze intellectuals say that “we are a product of Islamic history. How could we not be Muslims?”
Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, with the rise of religious and national awareness, the Druze and minority Alawites identified themselves as Shia sects of Islam. Nonetheless, according to the Israeli census, Arab citizens in Israel are categorised as Muslims, Christians, or Druze.
The Druze have their own religious courts in Israel that handle personal status matters, and their language and cultural identity remain distinctly Arab. Most Druze in Israel reside in the Galilee and Mount Carmel regions and maintain strong ties with their communities in Syria and Lebanon.
Many Druze have served in the Israeli Army, as military service has been one of the few avenues for social mobility in a state that has systematically discriminated against the Arab population since its establishment in 1948 on Palestinian land.
Faced with the reality of Israel’s founding, the Druze in Palestine appeared to have had little choice but to accept the new political order. They are not the only Arab group to have served in the Israeli Army, as some Christians and Sunni Muslims have also done so.
At the same time, notable Druze figures have emerged in opposition to Israeli policies, particularly those aimed at Israelisation and systemic discrimination. The Druze community in Palestine is also undergoing a transformation, with growing resistance to Israeli policies.
Observers believe that the recent Israeli attacks on Syria, justified under the pretext of “protecting the Druze,” were partly driven by rising discontent among Palestinian Druze over issues such as housing shortages, unemployment, and the state’s failure to address organised crime in Arab cities and villages, especially in the Upper Galilee.
However, appeasing the Druze was not the sole motive behind these attacks. Analysts suggest that the broader aim is to pressure the new Syrian government and push it towards normalisation with Tel Aviv.
* A version of this article appears in print in the 24 July, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly
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