Sudan’s predicament grows more and more dire following the declaration of a parallel government by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and its allies. Self-styled the Government of Peace, the new entity appears to be exacerbating national divisions and intensifying the conflict.
At the other end, the “Government of Hope,” led by Kamel Idris, was formed in phases following a process made contentious by some RSF-allied armed factions’ insistence on maintaining control over key ministerial portfolios, especially finance and mining.
All of this is unfolding against the backdrop of an acute humanitarian catastrophe. Millions of Sudanese remain besieged in Al-Fasher, Kadugli, Dilling and other regions, confronting a lethal convergence of cholera outbreaks, famine, and violence. Persistent shelling and gunfire continue to decimate communities. The so-called Government of Peace offers no semblance of peace, while the Government of Hope delivers little in the way of hope.
The International Quartet conference, intended to help resolve the Sudanese crisis, has been postponed. Meanwhile, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has warned that more than 640,000 children under the age of five are at risk in North Darfur, not only due to cholera but also as a result of violence, disease, and hunger. Some 1,180 cholera cases have been reported — nearly 300 of them among children — with at least 20 deaths in the Tawila area. Across the five states of Darfur, cholera cases have risen rapidly, reaching 2,140 until 30 July, with at least 80 deaths recorded.
Fighting rages across multiple fronts in Darfur and Kordofan, with the RSF claiming control of several areas before announcing their advance towards Al-Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan State, describing the operation as part of a comprehensive battle of liberation. The cities of Kadugli and Dilling in South Kordofan State are faring no better on the humanitarian front, as worsening security conditions and a siege from all directions have led to skyrocketing food prices and severe shortages of essential commodities such as flour, sugar, oil and corn. Such dire circumstances have forced large numbers of residents to flee, only to face tragic conditions elsewhere.
Meanwhile, the RSF have intensified their siege on Al-Fasher, the only major area in Darfur not yet under their control. The Sudanese army and allied armed movements have accused the RSF of deploying foreign mercenaries in the battle for Al-Fasher, allegedly including Colombians, Chadians, South Sudanese, Ethiopians, and Kenyans. Minni Arko Minawi, governor of Darfur and head of the Sudan Liberation Movement — aligned with the Sudanese army — accused senior army leaders of having no interest in military operations outside central Sudan. Speaking at a Port Sudan meeting attended by leaders from the country’s various regions, Minawi said senior officials in the army, whom he refused to name, believe that liberating Al-Jazeera and Khartoum is sufficient for governing the country.
He added that he had received a phone call from the ambassador of a world power regarding the possibility of dividing Sudan into three countries. Earlier, Minawi had floated the idea of negotiating with Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (aka Hemedti), commander of the RSF, and Abdalla Hamdok, head of the Somoud coalition.
Those statements of Minawi’s point to a growing crisis within the Port Sudan camp. He also warned that the continuation of the parallel Sudan Founding Alliance government would ultimately lead to the secession of Darfur. The rift between the Darfur-based armed movements on the one hand and the army and government leadership on the other is no secret, and its signs are becoming more visible by the day. Perhaps these movements see General Abdel-Fattah Al-Burhan’s recent order to evacuate Khartoum of all military formations and armed entities within two weeks as a measure aimed at them.
Military experts and analysts have pointed to several obstacles in the way of executing Al-Burhan’s order. First, the timing is questionable, as it coincides with autumn, when heavy rains and floods are expected, hindering movement and logistics. Second, according to Minawi, the decision was made without consultation or coordination with the leaders of these formations. Minawi stated that he only learned of the order through the media. Third, the directive did not clarify where the military forces are expected to relocate. There are also questions about which military entities the order applies to, and whether Islamist brigades are included.
Meanwhile, the Somoud alliance has called for the designation of the former ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudanese Islamic Movement (SIM) — the latter being the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood — as terrorist organisations. Somoud said in a statement that the NCP and SIM were anti-democratic, and their project is rooted in a belief that they alone represent the word of God on earth and possess the absolute truth. The alliance labelled their vision as insular and unilateral, rejecting diversity, and equating opposition with blasphemy and heresy.
The alliance warned that the Muslim Brotherhood’s activities in Sudan pose a direct threat to the country’s stability, as well as to regional and international security. It noted that the Brotherhood has been designated a terrorist organisation by several Arab countries, including the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan. Western nations such as the United States, the United Kingdom and France have also imposed strict measures against the group.
Somoud described the SIM as the apex of the Brotherhood’s terrorist structure, accusing the movement that ruled Sudan for three decades of engaging in cross-border terrorism, committing genocide in marginalised areas such as Darfur and the Nuba Mountains, and turning Khartoum into a hub for extremist groups. The alliance described this system as a brutal military regime lacking belief in a modern civil state and held it responsible for igniting the war that has been tearing Sudan apart since 15 April 2023.
Before the release of the Somoud statement, the Al-Baraa Battalion, one of the armed Islamist factions that participated in the war against the RSF, announced its withdrawal from military activities to engage in civilian work. The announcement came days after Al-Burhan’s decision to expel all armed movements from Khartoum. However, there are growing suspicions that Islamist forces may be orchestrating a new scheme, publicly withdrawing from the battlefield while seeking to reassert control over the country’s institutions. Sudanese journalist Sabah Al-Hassan said the Al-Baraa Battalion’s involvement in the conflict was a premeditated move, carefully planned by the Muslim Brotherhood’s political and security apparatus.
The conflict between the Islamists, Somoud, and other forces that overthrew the regime of president Omar Al-Bashir appears to be part of a broader power struggle over the future of Sudan. In his first media appearance in years, Ahmed Haroun, a former senior official under Al-Bashir and one of four figures wanted by the International Criminal Court, told Reuters he expects the army to retain power after the war and believes elections could pave the way for to return of the National Congress Party and the Islamist movement to power.
As the conflict rages on multiple fronts, Sudan remains mired in political and humanitarian turmoil. The hope for peace now hinges on a serious, credible and effective international and regional initiative that can stop the violence and bring the various groups to the negotiating table.
* A version of this article appears in print in the 7 August, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly
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